Conservative party members clapped back at some of the accusations thrown their way (Image: Getty)

From how they can ask for trust after 14 years in power, to copying Reform, to betraying Brexit – these are the big questions.

And here is how members think Kemi must answer them to show Brits they can feel confident voting Conservative again.

“After 14 years, we’ve had highs and lows – but we’ve listened, we’ve learned and we’re focused on fixing what matters now.

Nick Oliver, 59, is a business owner and a Northumberland Conservative councillor.

He said: “I would hold our hands up and say that we did get a lot of things wrong and, fundamentally, we didn’t deliver on the things that we said.”

However, Nick also pointed out that some challenges we faced made that exponentially harder – such as Covid and the war between Russia and Ukraine.

Ruth Betson is a communications manager and former Conservative councillor who lives in Cambridgeshire. Ruth thinks that ups and downs – over a period as long as 14 years – will happen. However, she says the Tory party will stand the test of time.

She said: “The Conservative Party is the oldest political party in the world for a reason. That is because our beliefs and our core principles are identified with by the majority of the population of this country.”

He said: “They are copying us! They are the copycats.”

Phillip says that Reform is quick to offer ideas but added that they do this “without thinking about the long-term problems” that these might pose.

He added: “They are going to latch onto those policies that gel with the public.”

Trevor Cessford, 67, is a retired fireman and teacher and is currently a Conservative councillor in Northumberland and says that the idea of leaving the ECHR is certainly not Reform’s.

He said: “I was at conference last year and there was talk of leaving the ECHR even then – it’s just the decision to go ahead with it has now been made by Kemi.”

He said: “I’m not a policy maker but I guess that at the time they didn’t have the strength or the legality to do it.”

He said: “I think [again] we just have to hold our hands up – we have not taken advantage of the freedoms that Brexit gave us.”

She said: “As a staunch Brexiteer who would vote Brexit again in a heartbeat – I would wish we had have moved quicker and more decisively after the referedum.

“But the particular make-up of the party at that time didn’t enable us to do so.”

This, says Ruth, must now change.

The 3 Big Questions Kemi Needs to Answer and She Can Get Brits Voting Tory Again

Kemi Badenoch and the Conservative Party face a political landscape that has changed considerably since the 2024 general election. Reform UK has established itself as a significant competitor on the right, Labour remains a major electoral force, and voters appear increasingly willing to consider several different parties. For the Conservatives, the central challenge is therefore not simply increasing support, but defining what the modern Conservative Party represents.

Recent polling provides some evidence of both difficulties and opportunities. An Ipsos survey conducted between September 10 and 15, 2026, put Labour on 27%, Reform UK on 23% and the Conservatives on 21%. The same research found that 20% believed the Conservative Party was ready for government, while 54% disagreed.

Against that background, three major questions stand out for Badenoch.

1. What exactly does the Conservative Party stand for?

The first question concerns political identity.

The Conservatives spent much of the period before the 2024 election arguing over the direction of the party. Questions about taxation, immigration, public spending, Brexit, regulation and the size of government created different expectations among different groups of Conservative voters.

Badenoch has sought to establish a clearer political identity for the party. Yet defining that identity in practical terms remains important because voters need to understand not only what the Conservatives oppose, but what they would actually do in government.

This question has become more significant because Reform UK is competing for many voters who previously supported the Conservatives. Reform’s emphasis on immigration, national sovereignty and dissatisfaction with the political establishment has given some former Conservative voters another option.

The Conservatives therefore face a choice of emphasis: they can seek to distinguish themselves from Reform through a detailed programme of government, while also addressing issues that have contributed to Reform’s support.

Recent YouGov research suggests that Badenoch’s personal ratings have improved. In August, 38% of Britons said she was doing well as Conservative leader, compared with 15% in October 2025, while 27% regarded her as a prime minister in waiting, compared with 8% previously. However, the same research found that only 19% viewed the Conservative Party as ready for a return to government.

That gap between perceptions of the leader and perceptions of the party is potentially important.

Badenoch may therefore need to demonstrate that the Conservatives are not simply offering a change of leadership but a coherent programme that addresses voters’ concerns.

2. How will she respond to Reform UK?

The second major question concerns Nigel Farage and Reform UK.

The emergence of Reform has changed the electoral environment for the Conservatives. Rather than competing primarily with Labour, the Conservatives now have to consider a significant challenger on their right.

Recent polling illustrates how fluid this relationship can be. A YouGov study published on September 23 found that, in a hypothetical constituency where only Reform and the Conservatives were realistically capable of winning, 35% said they would support the Conservatives compared with 20% for Reform. The same research found that 41% to 46% of current Reform voters would be willing to switch to the Conservatives in hypothetical contests against Labour, the Liberal Democrats or the Greens.

These figures do not predict a future election result, but they indicate that some Reform supporters remain potentially accessible to the Conservatives under particular electoral circumstances.

For Badenoch, the difficult issue is how to compete for those voters without losing support elsewhere.

Immigration is one obvious area. Reform has made immigration central to its political message, while the Conservatives have also promised tighter controls and changes to the immigration system. The Conservatives therefore need to explain how their proposals differ in implementation, scope and priorities.

The same applies to taxation and public spending. Conservative voters include people who want lower taxes and a smaller state, but also people who value public services and economic stability. A successful Conservative platform would need to explain how its different commitments fit together.

The party also has to decide how directly to confront Farage. Political competition can involve attacking another party’s proposals, but it can also involve demonstrating why one’s own programme is different.

That distinction matters because voters who have moved away from the Conservatives may not necessarily return simply because Reform is criticised. They may instead want evidence that the Conservatives have addressed the reasons they became dissatisfied in the first place.

3. Can Badenoch rebuild trust in the Conservative brand?

The third question is broader than policy.

It concerns trust.

The Conservatives suffered a substantial electoral defeat in 2024, and the party’s image has remained a significant challenge. YouGov’s August research found that the Conservative Party continued to receive considerably less positive ratings than Badenoch personally. It also reported that the leading reservation among both Conservative loyalists and people who had moved away from the party was the belief that the Conservatives had not learned the lessons of their 2024 defeat.

This suggests that rebuilding the party’s reputation may require more than announcing individual policies.

Voters may want to see consistency between what Conservative politicians promise in opposition and what they would attempt to implement in government.

The question of trust also affects leadership.

Ipsos’s September polling found that 28% were satisfied with Badenoch’s performance as Conservative leader, while 46% were dissatisfied. On whether she was ready to become prime minister, 22% agreed and 50% disagreed.

These figures show that Badenoch still faces substantial scepticism, even though her ratings have improved compared with earlier periods.

Her challenge is therefore to convert increased recognition and improved personal perceptions into broader confidence in the Conservative Party.

A changing political battlefield

The Conservatives are operating in a political environment that differs from the one they faced during much of the previous decade.

Labour’s position has changed following the arrival of Andy Burnham as prime minister, while Reform has remained a major competitor. In Ipsos’s September survey, Labour led on 27%, followed by Reform on 23% and the Conservatives on 21%.

At the same time, other polling has produced different results. A More in Common poll reported on September 23 put Labour on 26%, the Conservatives on 23% and Reform on 22%.

The differences between polls demonstrate why individual surveys should not be treated as definitive. They measure public opinion at particular moments using particular methodologies.

Nevertheless, the broader picture is clear: the Conservatives are competing in a fragmented political system in which relatively small movements in support can change the balance between the major parties and Reform.

That makes the three questions facing Badenoch particularly important.

First, what does the Conservative Party now represent?

Second, how will it compete with Reform without allowing its political identity to become defined entirely by the competition?

Third, how can the party demonstrate that it has learned from its previous electoral defeat and rebuild public trust?

The answers will depend not only on speeches and campaign messages but also on detailed policy decisions and the party’s conduct over time.

Badenoch’s own ratings suggest that there has been movement in public perceptions of her leadership. YouGov recorded a rise in the proportion of Britons describing her as doing well and regarding her as a potential future prime minister.

However, the Conservative Party’s wider image remains a separate issue.

That distinction could become increasingly important as the next election approaches. A leader can improve personal ratings without necessarily transforming perceptions of an entire political organisation.

For the Conservatives, the task is therefore larger than simply improving Badenoch’s standing. The party must establish a coherent identity, explain its approach to the major issues facing Britain and demonstrate that it can offer voters a credible alternative to both Labour and Reform.

Whether those efforts change voting behaviour will ultimately depend on voters themselves and on developments between now and the next election.

For now, the evidence shows a Conservative Party attempting to rebuild after a major defeat, a leader whose personal ratings have improved from earlier lows, and an electorate that remains divided among several competing political forces.

The three questions facing Kemi Badenoch are consequently not just about electoral tactics. They concern the future identity, credibility and direction of the Conservative Party itself.

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