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Andy Burnham “Will Tax You to Oblivion” – The Big Claim That Doesn’t Quite Add Up

Andy Burnham says insiders at Westminster 'don't get licence to lie' after byelection row | Andy Burnham | The Guardian

Andy Burnham’s tax plans have come under fierce scrutiny, with critics warning that the new Labour Prime Minister could leave households facing a much heavier tax burden.

The most dramatic accusations suggest that Burnham is preparing to raise taxes on ordinary Britons on an enormous scale.

But there is an important distinction between tax rises that have actually been announced, tax changes that are being considered, and claims about what Burnham might eventually do.

Andy Burnham doesn't rule out tax rises to fix social care - BBC News

That distinction matters.

Burnham has inherited a difficult fiscal position, while simultaneously promising to improve living standards, invest in housing, reform social care, strengthen defence and devolve more financial powers to regions.

Those ambitions will require money.

And that is where the controversy begins.

The claim that Burnham will “tax you to oblivion”

Critics of the new Prime Minister have painted a bleak picture.

They argue that Burnham’s spending ambitions cannot realistically be delivered without substantially increasing taxation.

Some of the more aggressive political claims have suggested that his programme could result in tens of billions of pounds of additional taxation.

Reform UK has claimed that Burnham could introduce around £38 billion of additional taxes through measures that were not contained in Labour’s 2024 manifesto. The TaxPayers’ Alliance has reported the claim while also highlighting the uncertainty surrounding the precise measures and revenues involved.

That is a striking figure.

But it should not automatically be interpreted as a £38 billion bill landing on every British household.

Much of the speculation concerns taxes on wealth, property, capital gains, businesses and other sources of revenue.

The distribution of those taxes would be very different from a straightforward increase in income tax.

That is why the headline claim requires careful examination.

Burnham has made a major pledge

One of the clearest commitments from Burnham is that he does not intend to increase the three major taxes named in Labour’s existing manifesto: income tax, National Insurance and VAT rates.

Reuters reported that Burnham intends to respect Labour’s 2024 manifesto commitments, including the pledge not to increase those three rates.

That is highly significant.

For most employees, those are the taxes that have the most direct impact on their monthly finances.

If Burnham maintains that commitment, the claim that he is simply preparing to dramatically increase everyone’s tax bill becomes much harder to sustain.

But that does not mean taxation is off the agenda.

Far from it.

The real tax debate is elsewhere

The Government is considering other ways of raising revenue.

Capital gains tax is one possibility.

Property taxation is another.

Changes to business rates are also being discussed.

There has also been extensive speculation about wealth taxes.

The key point is that not increasing income tax does not mean that nobody will pay more tax.

The Government can change the tax system in ways that affect particular groups while leaving headline income-tax rates unchanged.

That is where the political battle becomes complicated.

Capital gains tax could become a major issue

Capital gains tax is one area receiving particular attention.

The current system generally taxes gains from the sale of assets at different rates from earned income.

There has been speculation about bringing capital gains tax rates closer to income-tax rates.

That could raise substantial revenue, although the amount ultimately collected would depend on behavioural responses.

A business owner, investor or property holder might change when or how they sell an asset if the tax treatment changes.

Tax experts have warned that aligning capital gains tax with income tax could have significant behavioural effects and potentially discourage some investment or business disposals.

That illustrates an important problem for Burnham.

Raising taxes on paper does not necessarily produce the amount of money predicted.

People respond to incentives.

Property taxation is another potential battleground

The property market could become even more politically sensitive.

Britain already has a complicated collection of property-related taxes, including council tax, stamp duty, business rates and capital gains tax.

There have been proposals to replace some of these taxes with a system based more directly on property values.

One proposal discussed in recent analysis is a proportional property tax of around 0.48% of a property’s value each year.

Such a system could dramatically redistribute the tax burden.

Owners of expensive properties could pay considerably more, while some owners of lower-value properties could pay less.

That is not the same thing as taxing every household into oblivion.

But it could nevertheless produce very large changes for particular homeowners.

And politically, property taxes are extremely sensitive.

The wealth-tax question

Perhaps the most controversial issue is wealth taxation.

During the Labour leadership process, Burnham was associated with discussions about how the wealthiest people could contribute more.

However, shortly before taking office, he signalled that a wealth tax was not immediately on the agenda.

Asked about the issue, Burnham said he did not want to “create new divisions” or pitch groups against each other.

That is a significant qualification.

It suggests that the most dramatic predictions of an immediate wealth tax should be treated cautiously.

At the same time, Burnham has not necessarily closed the door permanently on changes to taxation of wealth.

There is therefore a difference between saying “a wealth tax is coming” and saying “future tax reform could include greater taxation of wealth.”

The available evidence supports the second statement far more strongly than the first.

Why does Burnham need more money?

The fundamental issue is straightforward.

Burnham has ambitious plans.

He wants to tackle the social care crisis.

He wants to build more council homes.

He wants to reduce household costs.

He wants to invest in public services.

He wants greater defence spending.

He wants to strengthen regional government.

And he wants to give local and regional authorities more financial power.

All of those objectives cost money.

The Government therefore has to find some combination of:

  • economic growth;
  • spending reductions;
  • borrowing;
  • efficiency savings;
  • higher revenues; and
  • changes to existing taxes.

The challenge is finding the right balance.

The UK’s tax burden is already historically high

This is perhaps the strongest argument used by critics of further tax increases.

The UK’s overall tax burden is already around 37% of GDP, close to a post-war high, according to Reuters.

That means the political environment for further broad-based taxation is extremely difficult.

Households already feel squeezed.

Businesses complain about operating costs.

Workers face frozen tax thresholds that gradually pull more income into taxation as wages rise.

Adding significant new taxes could therefore produce a serious political backlash.

Burnham knows this.

That helps explain why his Government has repeatedly emphasised that ordinary working people will not face increases in the three major taxes.

Frozen thresholds can still increase the tax burden

There is another important point that is often missed.

A government does not necessarily need to raise tax rates to collect more tax.

If income-tax thresholds remain frozen while wages increase, more people can gradually move into higher tax bands.

This phenomenon is often described as fiscal drag.

Saffery notes that income-tax and National Insurance thresholds are currently frozen until April 2031, which can result in more people being drawn into higher tax bands over time even without increases in the headline rates.

For taxpayers, the practical effect can feel like a tax increase.

The rate printed on the tax table has not changed.

But the proportion of income being paid to the Treasury can rise.

That is one reason the tax debate cannot simply focus on headline rates.

Burnham’s biggest challenge is spending

If Burnham wants to avoid raising taxes on working people, he has to find another way to finance his ambitions.

That could prove extremely difficult.

Social care is a particularly expensive long-term challenge.

Britain’s ageing population means demand for care is expected to increase.

At the same time, defence spending is under pressure.

Housing investment requires substantial upfront capital.

Infrastructure also requires long-term funding.

The Government therefore faces a structural problem rather than a temporary one.

Burnham cannot simply rely on a few billion pounds of savings.

He needs a sustainable fiscal strategy.

The social care problem

Social care may ultimately become one of the biggest tests of Burnham’s tax philosophy.

He has made reforming social care a major priority.

His Government has discussed a universal care service and proposals to change how the system is funded.

The problem is that social care is notoriously difficult to finance.

Any serious expansion requires either substantial government funding, higher contributions from individuals, or a combination of both.

That is why inheritance and wealth taxation have entered the debate.

One proposal associated with Burnham’s broader agenda involves replacing inheritance tax with another mechanism to help finance social care.

That would represent a major change.

But again, a proposal is not the same as an implemented tax.

The inheritance-tax controversy

Inheritance taxation is politically explosive because it touches directly on family wealth.

People who have spent decades paying taxes often believe that their children should inherit what remains.

Governments, meanwhile, argue that accumulated wealth can contribute more to funding public services.

Burnham’s critics would almost certainly use any inheritance-tax reform as evidence that his Government wants to increase the tax burden on families.

His supporters would argue that the current system is unfair and that inherited wealth should play a larger role in funding social care.

The debate is therefore about more than money.

It is about competing ideas of fairness.

Burnham’s business-rate plans

Another area where Burnham has been more explicit is business taxation.

He has argued that the current business-rates system disadvantages traditional high-street businesses compared with large warehouses and online retailers.

His proposal is essentially to rebalance the burden.

That could mean reducing rates for shops, pubs and other high-street businesses while increasing the burden on some large commercial properties.

Tax Justice UK has described Burnham’s proposals as involving lower rates for small businesses funded partly through higher charges on empty high-street properties and warehouses operated by online giants.

That is a tax shift rather than necessarily a universal tax increase.

Some businesses would pay less.

Others would pay more.

The “tax everyone” argument misses this distinction

This is where the most dramatic headlines can become misleading.

Suppose the Government increases a tax on very expensive property while reducing business rates for smaller shops.

It would be inaccurate to say that every taxpayer has simply been taxed more.

The burden has been redistributed.

Likewise, increasing capital gains tax does not automatically mean that an employee on a normal salary will see their income-tax bill increase.

The real question is:

Who pays?

That is much more useful than simply asking whether “taxes are going up”.

Burnham’s cost-of-living strategy complicates matters

Interestingly, Burnham has also introduced policies intended to reduce household costs.

His Government has promoted measures including a £2 bus fare cap and removing VAT from electricity bills.

Reuters reported that Burnham has emphasised measures intended to reduce costs for consumers while acknowledging that there is limited fiscal room for major interventions.

That creates a political contradiction.

The Government wants to reduce what people pay.

But it also needs revenue to fund those measures.

The result could be a system in which households receive savings in one area but face higher costs or taxes elsewhere.

That is not necessarily economically irrational.

But it is politically difficult to explain.

The “big lie” question

So what is the alleged big lie?

If the claim is that Burnham has already announced plans to dramatically increase income tax, National Insurance and VAT for ordinary workers, the evidence does not support it.

His Government has repeatedly committed to maintaining those manifesto pledges.

If, however, the claim is that there is no possibility of higher taxation under Burnham, that would also be misleading.

The Government is clearly examining other tax options.

Capital gains, property taxation, business rates and potentially other forms of wealth taxation remain part of the wider political discussion.

The truth is therefore considerably more complicated than either side’s most dramatic slogan.

Markets will be watching

Burnham also needs to consider how investors react to his fiscal policies.

If investors believe the Government is borrowing excessively or making unpredictable tax changes, borrowing costs could rise.

That would make it even harder to finance public investment.

A higher cost of government borrowing could ultimately reduce the money available for the very programmes Burnham wants to fund.

This is why Chancellor John Healey has repeatedly stressed fiscal discipline.

Recent reporting indicates that Burnham’s Government intends to remain within its fiscal rules despite the pressure to spend more.

The October Budget will be crucial

The biggest test will come with the Government’s Autumn Budget.

That is when speculation will meet actual policy.

Until then, many of the most dramatic tax claims remain predictions.

The Budget should reveal:

  • which taxes are actually changing;
  • which taxes remain untouched;
  • how much revenue each measure is expected to raise;
  • how much the Government plans to borrow;
  • how social care will be funded; and
  • whether Burnham can reconcile his spending ambitions with his fiscal rules.

Until those numbers are published, claims about a giant tax raid should be treated carefully.

A political gamble

Burnham has chosen a difficult path.

He wants to be seen as a champion of working people while simultaneously funding a much more interventionist state.

He wants to reduce household costs while expanding public services.

He wants more investment while maintaining fiscal discipline.

And he wants to reform taxation without alienating voters who already believe they pay too much.

That balancing act will define his premiership.

Final verdict

The headline claim that Andy Burnham is preparing to “tax you to oblivion” makes for an attention-grabbing political attack.

But the evidence paints a more complicated picture.

Burnham has ambitious spending plans and his Government is considering ways to raise additional revenue. There is genuine speculation around capital gains tax, property taxation, business rates and the taxation of wealth.

At the same time, Burnham has pledged not to raise the rates of income tax, National Insurance or VAT, while signalling that an immediate wealth tax is not his priority.

That means the biggest danger for taxpayers may not be a sudden dramatic tax raid.

It could instead be a more complicated process of tax reshuffling — frozen thresholds, changes to property taxation, higher taxes on certain forms of wealth or investment, and a redistribution of the burden between households and businesses.

Whether that ultimately amounts to a fairer tax system or simply a higher-tax Britain will depend on the details.

And that is why Burnham’s first major Budget will matter so much.

Until then, the most sensational predictions should be treated as political claims rather than established facts.

The real question is not whether Burnham will raise taxes. The evidence suggests some taxes could rise. The real question is who will pay, how much they will pay, and what Britain will receive in return.

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