Andy Burnham’s lost the plot – he’s about to punch everyone who voted Brexit in the face . hyn

https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=yOLPoT0qpCs

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Has Britain hit peak Brexit madness under Andy Burnham? (Image: Getty)

As an island nation, we’ve always been wary of continental Europe. Rightly so. From the Romans to the Vikings to the Normans, they kept invading and nicking our stuff. For centures, our foreign policy was clear. Make sure no single European power was strong enough to threaten these shores again. When Napoleon menaced, we joined forces with the Spanish, Austrians, Russians and Prussians to keep him busy. In the First World War, we made friends with the French to see off the Germans, then tried the same trick in the Second World War, only for the French to fold at the first sight of a Panzer tank, leaving us to fight on alone.

As the post-war UK economy slowed, the Empire crumbled and Germany and France surged ahead, we decided to join Europe. It was a Tory prime minister, Edward Heath, who campaigned for Britain to join the Common Market, which we did in 1973. It may seem crazy today, but the left hated the idea. Tony Benn saw the Common Market as a capitalist club that could prevent a Labour government pursuing socialist policies and threaten parliamentary sovereignty. Weirdly, in the 1980s left and right reversed positions.

Margaret Thatcher became increasingly hostile to the direction of European integration, fearing Brussels was building a centralised super-state. The left suddenly saw the EU as a useful way of protecting the trade-union powers Thatcher was trying to destroy. The shock Brexit vote in June 2016 divided the nation, and the two main parties.

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Many Tories fought for a soft Brexit, while Labour leader Jeremy Corbyn seemed happy to see the country leave. Now Labour PM Andy Burnham is plotting a path back to the EU at the craziest imaginable time. He’s lost the plot.

The EU is no longer the lefty-wokey club of popular imagination. Instead, it’s swung to the right, as populist parties surge. Italy is governed by Giorgia Meloni’s Right-wing coalition, the far-Right Alternative for Germany (AfD) party is winning electoral victories, and Marine Le Pen’s National Rally is leading France’s 2027 presidential race. Even social democratic Sweden has shifted right.

And here’s the maddest bit. Burnham’s own cherished policies could clash with the rules of the club he wants to rejoin. Labour slapped VAT on public school fees, despite education enjoying an EU exemption. Plans for public ownership of the railways could hit the buffers due to EU competition and rail-market rules.

Craziest of all, Burnham wants to join the EU at a time when its two most important players, France and Germany, are in existential crisis. France is in flames as its debts race out of control. Germany’s once-great car industry has been crushed by the Chinese, stalling the economy. Who’d want to belong to a dysfunctional club like this?

It makes me wonder whether Burnham is really serious about rejoining, or cynically chasing votes from Europhiles in the Greens and Lib Dems.

Some on the Left are waking up to the EU reality. At last month’s TUC conference, Unison co-sponsored a motion warning that reviving the EU debate would “reopen old wounds”. With luck, Labour will realise its leader is pushing to join a club whose politics are racing in the opposite direction from its own.

That would save us the bother of debating Brexit again. Unless some Right-wing populist emerges and demands we rejoin. Now that really would be mad.

Andy Burnham Has Lost the Plot – Is He About to Alienate Everyone Who Voted Brexit?

Andy Burnham has found himself at the centre of an increasingly heated political debate over Britain’s future relationship with Europe, with critics warning that calls for closer ties with the European Union could reopen divisions the country has struggled to move beyond. For millions of people who voted to leave the EU in 2016, the prospect of politicians revisiting the Brexit question remains deeply sensitive. Any suggestion that their decision should effectively be reversed risks reigniting old arguments about democracy, national sovereignty and political trust.

The language surrounding the controversy is deliberately confrontational. Accusing Burnham of having “lost the plot” or preparing to “punch Brexit voters in the face” is political rhetoric, not a literal description of his intentions. Yet it captures a genuine concern among critics: that politicians who advocate a closer relationship with Europe may underestimate how strongly some voters feel about the referendum result.

The challenge for Burnham is to explain his position without appearing to dismiss the people who supported Brexit. If he wants to persuade the country that Britain’s relationship with Europe should change, he must confront the reasons millions voted to leave rather than simply assume that those voters have changed their minds.

Why Brexit Remains Such a Sensitive Issue

The 2016 referendum was one of the most consequential political decisions in modern British history. The Leave campaign won with approximately 52 per cent of the vote, against 48 per cent for Remain. The result divided families, communities and political parties, and it transformed the country’s relationship with its European neighbours.

For many Leave voters, Brexit was about democratic control. They wanted decisions affecting Britain to be made by elected representatives in the UK rather than through institutions shared with other European countries. Immigration, national sovereignty and the ability to negotiate independent trade agreements were also important considerations.

Other voters supported Leave because they felt that successive governments had failed to address economic inequality, regional decline and a sense that political leaders were disconnected from ordinary people. For these voters, the referendum became an opportunity to challenge the political establishment.

Remain voters, meanwhile, warned that leaving the EU would create barriers to trade, reduce Britain’s influence and complicate opportunities for businesses, workers and students. Many argued that the economic advantages of membership outweighed the limitations associated with shared European rules.

A decade later, these competing arguments continue to shape political debate. Some voters believe Brexit has delivered greater independence, while others believe its economic costs have outweighed the benefits. Many occupy a more complicated position, supporting some aspects of leaving while regretting others.

This makes the issue particularly dangerous for politicians. A statement intended to promote practical cooperation with Europe can be interpreted by critics as an attempt to overturn the referendum, while a defence of Brexit can be portrayed by opponents as an unwillingness to acknowledge its shortcomings.

Burnham must therefore be careful about how he presents any proposals for closer European relations.

What Does Andy Burnham Actually Want?

Burnham has been associated with arguments for rebuilding Britain’s relationship with Europe and improving cooperation with European partners. Such a position does not automatically mean that he is proposing an immediate return to full EU membership.

There are several different ways Britain could develop its relationship with the bloc. The government could negotiate further agreements on trade, research, security and other areas of shared interest. It could seek to reduce administrative barriers affecting businesses, improve arrangements for young people or coordinate more closely on issues that cross national borders.

A more ambitious approach could involve reconsidering Britain’s participation in parts of the European single market or customs arrangements. Full membership would be a substantially different proposition, requiring a formal application and negotiations over the terms of accession.

These options should not be treated as interchangeable. A politician can argue for closer cooperation without advocating a reversal of Brexit itself.

That distinction matters because critics may seek to present any movement towards Europe as evidence that politicians intend to disregard the referendum result. Supporters, on the other hand, may argue that practical cooperation is necessary to address economic problems that have persisted since the UK left the bloc.

The important question is what Burnham is actually proposing, what the arrangements would involve and whether the public would have a meaningful opportunity to express its view.

Without clear answers, the debate risks becoming a contest of slogans rather than a serious discussion about Britain’s economic and constitutional future.

The Anger of Brexit Voters Cannot Simply Be Ignored

One of the greatest mistakes a politician could make would be to assume that everyone who voted Leave has abandoned their original convictions.

Some Brexit voters may now be disappointed with the outcome. Others may believe the government failed to make the most of the opportunities created by leaving the EU. But dissatisfaction with the way Brexit has been implemented does not necessarily translate into support for rejoining.

For many people, the referendum was about more than trade figures or economic forecasts. It was also about whether politicians listen when the public makes a major decision. If voters believe that political leaders are attempting to reverse that decision without a clear mandate, resentment could grow.

This is particularly relevant in areas where support for Leave was strong and where people already feel overlooked by Westminster. A renewed argument over Europe could reinforce the belief that national politicians are more interested in constitutional debates than in local concerns such as wages, housing, transport and public services.

Burnham has built much of his political reputation around regional leadership and the argument that communities outside Westminster deserve a stronger voice. If he wants to expand that message nationally, he will need to demonstrate that he understands the concerns of people who voted differently from him.

That does not mean he must abandon his own views. It means he must explain them honestly and recognise that a referendum result cannot be dismissed simply because political circumstances have changed.

Could a European U-Turn Damage Labour?

Labour faces a delicate balancing act. Some of its supporters want a much closer relationship with the EU, arguing that Brexit has weakened trade and limited opportunities for economic growth. Others believe the party should concentrate on domestic priorities and avoid reopening a divisive issue.

The electoral risks run in both directions. Moving too cautiously could disappoint voters who want a more ambitious European policy. Moving too quickly could alienate people who supported Brexit and are suspicious of efforts to revisit the decision.

For a party seeking to govern a diverse country, the challenge is to build a credible position that acknowledges these differences without pretending they can all be resolved through a single announcement.

The government has pursued closer cooperation with the EU while maintaining that it will not rejoin the single market or customs union under its current policy. This approach seeks to secure practical benefits without reopening the entire Brexit settlement.

However, it may not satisfy either side completely. Pro-European campaigners could argue that the measures do not go far enough, while committed Brexit supporters may remain concerned about any agreement that brings Britain closer to European rules.

If Burnham wants to influence this debate, he will need to show what his preferred approach would achieve and how it differs from the government’s existing policy.

A broad promise to improve relations with Europe is unlikely to settle the argument. Voters will want details about jobs, investment, immigration, regulation and the country’s ability to make its own decisions.

The Economic Argument: Has Brexit Delivered?

The strongest case for reconsidering Britain’s relationship with the EU often focuses on economic performance.

Leaving the single market and customs union introduced additional barriers to many forms of trade between Britain and the EU. Businesses have faced new paperwork and compliance requirements, while some smaller exporters have struggled with the costs of serving European customers.

Supporters of closer integration argue that reducing these barriers could improve trade, encourage investment and strengthen productivity. They believe that a more cooperative relationship could help Britain compete in a world where economic success increasingly depends on international partnerships.

Brexit supporters counter that the UK has gained greater freedom to establish its own policies and negotiate trade agreements. They argue that the country should use those opportunities more effectively rather than assume that EU membership is the only route to prosperity.

Both sides must confront the broader economic picture. Britain’s performance is affected by domestic investment, productivity, skills, infrastructure, taxation and international conditions, as well as its relationship with Europe. Rejoining the EU would not automatically solve every economic problem, just as remaining outside the bloc does not prevent the country from pursuing growth.

A serious debate should therefore compare specific costs and benefits rather than rely on the assumption that either Brexit or rejoining would deliver an immediate economic transformation.

For Burnham, the task is to explain why closer European cooperation would improve people’s lives and provide evidence for the policies he supports.

Sovereignty, Democracy and the Question of Consent

The argument over Europe ultimately returns to a fundamental question: how should Britain balance national independence with the benefits of international cooperation?

For Leave voters, sovereignty often means retaining the ability to make decisions without being bound by rules established through EU institutions. For supporters of membership, sharing some decision-making powers can be worthwhile if it provides economic opportunities and greater influence over issues that no country can manage alone.

Neither position can be dismissed as inherently irrational. The disagreement reflects different judgements about how power should be exercised and what arrangements best serve the public.

Democracy also requires politicians to recognise that public opinion can change. A referendum does not permanently prohibit future governments from proposing a different policy. But any major reversal would need a credible democratic mandate and a transparent explanation of the terms involved.

If Britain ever considered rejoining the EU, the government would need to address the lessons of the original referendum and demonstrate that the public understood the likely consequences. Treating Brexit voters as an obstacle to be overcome would be politically counterproductive.

Equally, insisting that Britain can never reconsider its European relationship would close off legitimate debate about changing economic and international circumstances.

The strongest democratic approach is to present the choices clearly and allow voters to judge them.

Burnham Must Persuade, Not Provoke

The accusation that Burnham is about to alienate everyone who voted Brexit may be an exaggeration, but it points towards a genuine political danger. Any politician who wants to change Britain’s relationship with Europe must understand that millions of voters remain emotionally and politically invested in the decision made in 2016.

Burnham’s future influence will depend partly on whether he can make a persuasive case without turning the debate into another battle between competing identities. He must show that closer cooperation would offer practical benefits, explain the potential disadvantages and recognise the concerns of people who continue to support Brexit.

He must also be precise about his objectives. Better cooperation with the EU, participation in selected European programmes and full membership are different policies with different implications. Blurring those distinctions would create confusion and make it easier for opponents to portray his position as an attempt to overturn the referendum by stealth.

Ultimately, the future of Britain’s relationship with Europe should be decided through informed public debate rather than personal attacks. Brexit remains a defining issue, but it need not permanently prevent the country from discussing its options.

Burnham has every right to argue for a different direction. His critics have every right to challenge his proposals. The test will be whether the debate produces clear answers about Britain’s economic future, democratic accountability and international role.

If Burnham wants to win over sceptical voters, he must demonstrate that he respects their decision even when he disagrees with it. Otherwise, a campaign intended to build closer ties with Europe could end up deepening the very divisions that politicians have repeatedly promised to heal.

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