He’s done them like a man who doesn’t understand the gravity of the situation in which he finds himself, and instead of concentrating on the war we’re told is coming, he’s lowering bus fares and doing lots of TikTok videos proving what a fabulously down-to-earth bloke he is.

He’s also appeared on Gogglebox with his mate, Steve Rotheram, the Mayor of Liverpool – all the kind of stuff another local Mayor would do.

However, he has done one big, albeit treacherous, thing. He’s U-turned on his promise not to take us back into the EU.

Remember, this is the bloke who promised the people of Makerfield, when he was begging for their vote, that there was absolutely no way he’d consider re-joining the EU. “Brexit is done,” he told that staunchly Leave constituency at the time.

But the minute he got their vote, which catapulted him into Downing Street with no mandate, he’s shown us he’s a liar, doing exactly what he told us he wouldn’t do.

So here we are, his 100th day is Tuesday, and we’re a whisper away from the budget that could make or break him, and us. The state of the nation is so dire that Burnham needs to produce a budget that’s not just fair, but which acknowledges the mess we’re in.

More importantly, it needs to offer us a way out of it because nothing in his first 100 days has come close to doing that. And that’s because he has run screaming from all the hard decisions.

He’s never talked about out-of-control immigration or ways to reduce our £3trillion debt. Burnham isn’t a man of action; he’s a man of silly stunts. Because he thinks all the stunts, the TikTok videos, the TV appearances, the discussions about the merits of pork scratchings vs Monster Munch put him in touch with the British people.

But all they show is that he’s so dangerously detached from the gravity of the situation we’re in that he can’t tell the difference between governing the country and entertaining an audience. He thinks the British people are an audience he must please.

No, Andy, we want you to lead! We want you to govern, not sit on Gogglebox munching snacks with your mate playing Man of the People.

We don’t want Man of the People; we want someone who’s got the guts to make the hard decisions.

It’s beyond incredible that in the week we have the Defence Secretary, Wes Streeting, telling us all to stockpile food and water and “prepare for the worst “ because there’s likely to be a war in 1,000 days, Do Nothing Burnham is on Gogglebox.

For God’s sake, the man should be preparing for the Cyber War that’s coming and maybe even another kind of war that involves troops and weapons of which we have precious few of either.

Instead of telly appearances, why isn’t he working out how to jack up the Defence budget? Because the terrifying truth is that currently, the UK could only maintain combat for EIGHT days before running out of bullets.

But Andy Pandy doesn’t care about that, just about the content of his next TikTok video because he believes that’s what connects him to the public, not policies. How naïve, how stupid, how egocentric is he?

When he first came to power, he talked about shifting it Up North. But if he’s doing the same Up North as he is Down South, which is the sum total of beggar all, what’s the point?

There’s no point in shifting power and spending taxpayers’ cash to do it if he’s not going to properly use it to sort out the problems that are crippling this country: broken borders, the Net Zero lunacy, an out- of -control benefits budget.

He’s cuddling up to Brussels while Britain is burning, and he has no idea how to put out the fire. He talks about big expensive new projects like social care and public housing but never tells us how he’s going to pay for them.

In the past 100 days, not once has he put forward an economic plan to tackle our £3trillion debt, which is costing £110billion a year in interest. Instead, he prefers to blame Thatcher and Uncle Tom Cobbley. And Brexit for all our economic ills, not understanding HE’S now the man in the power seat who can solve them.

But that’s the problem: he doesn’t know how to.

Remember when he was elected, he told us he was going to bring us a 10- year- plan for Britain later in the year. So where is it? If he’s planning an election in May, we need to see his plan. But of course, there isn’t one.

Britain is spiralling, and Burnham is knee-deep in gimmicks and trivia that won’t make a blind bit of difference to anything.

He’s so far out of his depth it’s terrifying. I don’t care if he’s a decent bloke or that he’s compassionate and caring. I just want him to do his job and he’s not even begun to do that in the last 100days. He refuses to make the hard choices on immigration or welfare.

We’re told we could run out of gas and electricity this winter, yet he refuses to demand that we start drilling our own gas and oil fields because the Net Zero zealots in his cabinet have convinced him our “Climate obligations” ( even though we produce just 1 per cent of global emissions) are more important than keeping Britain’s lights on.

Burnham has turned burying his head in the sand into a fine art. Farage calls him the Prime Minister that “Says a lot and does nothing.” And he’s right.

Someone cleverer than me said Burnham is managing Britain’s decline with a smile. They should have added with a smile and a bag of crisps. And we sure as Hell don’t need that kind of lily-livered, lightweight as our Prime Minister when we’re preparing for power blackouts and war!

Andy Burnham Will Have Been in Office for 100 Days This Week – This Is Why Critics Say He Is Not the Man to Fix Britain

As Andy Burnham approaches his first 100 days in office, questions are mounting over whether his leadership can deliver the changes Britain urgently needs.

The early months of a new administration are often treated as a test of political direction. Voters want to see whether promises made during a campaign are being translated into practical policies, whether ministers understand the scale of the country’s problems and whether the government has a credible plan to improve living standards.

For Burnham, the pressure is particularly intense. Britain continues to face concerns over economic growth, the cost of living, public services, immigration and the future of its relationship with Europe. Each issue presents a difficult challenge, and none can be resolved through speeches or political announcements alone.

Critics argue that Burnham’s approach risks creating expectations that the government will struggle to meet. They question whether his proposals offer sufficiently clear answers to the country’s financial difficulties and whether his willingness to revisit Britain’s relationship with the European Union could reopen divisions that remain politically sensitive.

Supporters take a different view. They argue that the country’s problems developed over many years and cannot reasonably be solved within a few months. They believe Burnham should be judged on the direction of his policies, the decisions he makes and whether his government can deliver measurable improvements over time.

The debate over his first 100 days therefore raises a broader question: what should the public expect from a new political leader, and how quickly should meaningful results become visible?

A Poll That Raises Questions About Public Confidence

One of the clearest indications of Burnham’s early challenge came from a YouGov survey of 5,394 adults conducted on October 22.

The poll found that 23% believed Burnham had so far lived up to their positive expectations, while 12% said they had expected him to do well but had been disappointed. Another 23% said he had performed as poorly as they had anticipated, while 14% reported being pleasantly surprised despite initially expecting a poor performance. <Cite refs={[“turn923007search1″,”turn923007search6”]}/>

These figures suggest that Burnham has yet to establish overwhelming public confidence, even though the results were more encouraging for Labour than those recorded during the equivalent early period of Keir Starmer’s premiership.

The survey does not prove that Burnham has failed. Nor does it establish how voters will judge him after six months or a year. It does, however, indicate that a significant proportion of the public remains unconvinced.

Political popularity can change quickly, particularly when governments face difficult economic decisions. The forthcoming Budget will provide a more substantial test of whether Burnham’s promises can be translated into policies that voters notice in their everyday lives.

The Economy Remains His Biggest Test

One of the strongest criticisms facing Burnham is that improving living standards requires more than announcing individual measures to reduce household costs.

Britain continues to face difficult questions about productivity, investment, public debt and the pressure on public services. The government must decide how to fund its priorities while managing limited resources.

Burnham has promoted the idea of delivering economic growth across every part of the country, rather than concentrating opportunities in London and the south-east.

That ambition is closely connected to his longstanding support for devolution and regional investment. As mayor of Greater Manchester, he championed greater local control over transport and economic development.

However, the challenge of running a national economy is considerably broader than managing a city-region.

The government must establish conditions that encourage private investment, support businesses, improve skills and raise productivity. It must also determine how much public spending is affordable without creating additional pressure on borrowing or taxation.

Critics argue that Burnham has yet to demonstrate how all his ambitions can be financed simultaneously.

The Chancellor’s Budget on October 28 will be an important opportunity to clarify the government’s financial priorities. It will also reveal whether ministers intend to make difficult choices about departmental spending, taxation and public investment. <Cite refs={[“turn923007search5″,”turn923007search1”]}/>

For Burnham, the challenge is to show that his economic programme is more than a collection of attractive promises.

Brexit and Europe Could Reopen Political Divisions

Burnham’s comments about Britain’s relationship with the European Union have also generated controversy.

The Prime Minister has said he would like Britain to rejoin the EU during his lifetime, while insisting that the public must have a say and that the government is not proposing an immediate return to membership.

Downing Street has stressed that no decision has been made to pursue re-entry or restore freedom of movement. Nevertheless, Burnham’s remarks have reopened a debate that continues to divide voters and politicians. <Cite refs={[“turn923007news8″,”turn923007search5”]}/>

Supporters of closer European ties argue that reducing trade barriers could help British businesses and improve cooperation with neighbouring countries.

Opponents warn that returning to the EU could require compromises over immigration rules, regulatory arrangements and national decision-making.

The political difficulty for Burnham is that neither side will be satisfied by vague assurances. Businesses want clarity about the future trading relationship, while voters want to understand the practical consequences of any proposed changes.

His government must therefore distinguish between immediate policy decisions and longer-term possibilities.

If the discussion becomes dominated by arguments over whether Brexit should be reversed, it could distract from more immediate concerns about wages, public services and household finances.

Conversely, refusing to discuss the existing arrangements would prevent the government from examining whether particular changes could benefit the economy.

The test is whether Burnham can turn a divisive subject into a clear, evidence-based policy discussion without creating unnecessary uncertainty.

Social Care: A Promise Without an Easy Solution

Another major challenge is the future of social care.

Burnham has expressed support for developing a national care service, with the ambition of improving access to support and reducing the pressure on families who struggle to arrange care for elderly relatives or people with disabilities.

The issue has affected successive governments for decades. Demand for care is increasing, local authorities face financial constraints and care providers must recruit and retain enough staff to deliver reliable services.

A national system could potentially improve coordination between health and social care, but the funding requirements would be substantial.

Ministers would need to decide how services should be organised, how care workers should be paid, how responsibilities should be divided between central and local government, and how eligibility for support should be determined.

They would also need to explain whether the system would rely on additional taxation, changes to existing budgets or a combination of different funding arrangements.

Burnham’s critics argue that announcing the ambition is easier than delivering the reforms.

His supporters counter that long-standing problems require sustained political commitment and that early planning is necessary before major changes can be introduced.

Ultimately, progress will be measured by whether people can access care when they need it, whether families face less financial pressure and whether hospitals can discharge patients safely without avoidable delays.

Until the government provides a detailed implementation plan, the promise remains an objective rather than a completed reform.

Devolution Cannot Solve Every National Problem

Burnham’s belief in devolution is another defining feature of his political approach.

He argues that decisions should be taken closer to the communities affected by them, allowing local leaders to respond more effectively to regional economic conditions and public service needs.

His experience in Greater Manchester has reinforced his view that local government should have greater responsibility for transport, housing and economic development.

There are potential advantages to this approach. Local authorities may understand regional problems more directly and can tailor certain policies to local circumstances.

However, devolution does not remove the need for national standards, sufficient funding or accountability for results.

Some of Britain’s biggest challenges, including defence, taxation, immigration and national infrastructure, require decisions at a national level.

Critics also question whether transferring responsibilities to local leaders will make a meaningful difference if those leaders do not receive the resources necessary to fulfil them.

Burnham will need to demonstrate that devolution produces measurable improvements rather than simply changing where decisions are made.

That means setting clear targets, explaining how local authorities will be funded and establishing how success will be assessed.

Public Services Will Demand More Than Rhetoric

Healthcare, housing, education and local government remain central to the public’s assessment of any administration.

Voters may welcome a more optimistic political tone, but their confidence will ultimately depend on whether services improve.

In the NHS, that means addressing waiting times, workforce pressures and access to appointments. In housing, it means ensuring that homes are available and affordable. In local government, it means maintaining essential services while managing tight budgets.

These problems cannot be resolved immediately, and some reforms will take years to produce their full effects.

Nevertheless, a government can demonstrate progress through clear milestones, transparent reporting and practical improvements that people can see.

Burnham must also explain where his priorities conflict. Expanding services, improving public-sector pay and maintaining strict control over public finances can create competing demands.

If the government attempts to promise everything without acknowledging the trade-offs, it risks disappointing people who expect rapid improvements.

The Next 100 Days Will Matter More

Burnham’s first 100 days have brought renewed attention to Labour, changes in political messaging and a series of proposals intended to address household costs and long-term national challenges.

Polling averages compiled by the Press Association showed Labour’s voting-intention rating rising from around 19% in the week before Starmer resigned to 29% in the week ending October 25. The same analysis put Reform UK and the Conservatives on 22% each. These figures describe polling at a particular point in time, not the result of a future election. <Cite refs={[“turn923007search3”]}/>

The improvement gives Burnham an opportunity to build public confidence, but it does not guarantee that voters will remain supportive.

The government’s next decisions will be more consequential than its initial announcements. The Budget will reveal how ministers intend to balance competing priorities, while future decisions on Europe, social care and public services will test the administration’s ability to turn ambitions into workable policies.

The central criticism of Burnham is not simply that he has failed to solve Britain’s problems within 100 days. No new prime minister could reasonably be expected to do that.

Rather, critics question whether his programme is sufficiently detailed, affordable and focused on the problems that matter most to voters.

Supporters argue that he has changed the political atmosphere and given Labour a clearer direction after a difficult period.

Both assessments will be tested against what happens next.

The verdict on Burnham’s leadership remains open. His first 100 days have established the ambitions of his government, but the decisive question is whether those ambitions can produce sustained improvements in living standards, economic performance and public services.

The coming months will show whether his administration can turn its early political momentum into results — and whether the public believes those results justify the promises made at the beginning of his premiership.