Andy Burnham and Emmanuel Macron to Plot Brexit ‘Reset’ as French President Visits No 10
The relationship between Britain and Europe is entering a potentially important new phase as Prime Minister Andy Burnham prepares to welcome French President Emmanuel Macron to Downing Street. Macron’s visit is expected to provide an opportunity for the two leaders to discuss the future of Britain’s relationship with the European Union, including the possibility of a broader Brexit “reset”. For Burnham, the meeting represents both a diplomatic opportunity and a significant political test.
Since Britain left the European Union, relations between London and Brussels have remained complicated. Brexit ended Britain’s membership of the EU, but it did not remove the country’s geographical, economic or security links with Europe. British businesses continue to trade with European countries, while Britain and its European neighbours face many of the same challenges, from illegal migration and organised crime to energy security, defence and the war in Ukraine.
Burnham appears determined to move the relationship forward without reopening the fundamental argument over Brexit. This distinction is important. Britain formally leaving the European Union is unlikely to be reversed in the immediate future, but the government can seek closer cooperation in specific areas where both sides have common interests. Such an approach could allow Burnham to improve relations with European governments while avoiding a new political battle over Britain’s membership of the EU.
Macron’s visit is particularly significant because France is one of Britain’s most important European partners. The two countries have extensive economic, cultural and military connections. They are also major players in European security and have worked closely together in supporting Ukraine. Both governments have an interest in maintaining strong cooperation despite the disagreements created by Brexit.
For Burnham, the meeting comes at an early stage of his premiership. Having entered Downing Street only recently, he needs to demonstrate that Britain can regain influence internationally while also focusing on domestic priorities. His decision to make stronger European cooperation part of his foreign-policy agenda suggests that he sees the relationship with the continent as an important part of Britain’s future.
One of the most obvious areas for a reset is trade.
Brexit created new barriers between British companies and European markets. Businesses on both sides have had to deal with additional paperwork, customs procedures and regulatory requirements. Some companies have adapted, while others have found it more difficult and expensive to trade internationally.
A closer relationship with the EU could reduce some of these difficulties. Burnham could seek agreements covering food standards, agricultural products and other areas where regulatory cooperation would benefit businesses. Such arrangements would not mean Britain rejoining the European Union. Instead, they would represent practical attempts to reduce unnecessary friction.
Food and agricultural standards are particularly important. Britain imports and exports large quantities of food to and from European countries, making efficient border procedures essential. If British producers face unnecessary barriers, their competitiveness can suffer. European consumers can also face higher prices or reduced choice when trade becomes more complicated.
Youth mobility could be another important part of the reset. Young British people lost many of the opportunities they previously enjoyed to live, work and study freely across EU countries. A carefully designed youth exchange arrangement could allow younger generations to regain some of these opportunities without reversing Brexit entirely.
Such a policy could also have cultural and educational benefits. European countries have traditionally provided British students and workers with opportunities to gain international experience. Increased mobility could strengthen personal relationships between Britain and the continent, helping to rebuild some of the connections weakened since Brexit.
However, migration is likely to be one of the most politically sensitive issues discussed by Burnham and Macron. Britain wants greater cooperation with European countries to tackle illegal migration and organised criminal networks operating across borders. France is also dealing with intense political pressure over migration, particularly concerning people attempting to cross the English Channel.
Closer cooperation could help both governments. Information sharing, intelligence cooperation and joint action against people-smuggling networks could make it harder for criminal organisations to exploit the border. At the same time, Britain and France could explore practical arrangements for dealing with people who cross the Channel illegally.
This demonstrates why the relationship between Britain and France cannot be reduced to arguments about Brexit. Both countries have security interests that are stronger when they cooperate. Terrorism, cybercrime, trafficking, organised crime and illegal migration do not stop at national borders.
Defence is another major area of potential cooperation.
The security situation in Europe has changed dramatically because of Russia’s war against Ukraine. Britain and France remain two of Europe’s most important military powers. Both possess nuclear weapons and permanent seats on the United Nations Security Council. Both have an interest in ensuring that European countries can defend themselves and respond effectively to external threats.
Burnham has already placed considerable emphasis on Britain’s support for Ukraine. Macron has also played a prominent role in European efforts to support Kyiv. Their cooperation could therefore become one of the strongest foundations of a renewed British-French relationship.
The possibility of closer defence cooperation is especially important as European countries debate how to strengthen their military capabilities. Britain is outside the EU, but it does not have to be outside European security cooperation. London can work with France and other European governments on defence production, intelligence, military planning and support for Ukraine.
Energy security could provide another opportunity. Britain and France have common interests in developing reliable and affordable energy supplies. Cooperation in nuclear power, renewable energy and electricity interconnection could benefit both countries.
For Burnham, however, the political challenge is enormous. Any move towards closer European relations could be attacked by opponents as an attempt to reverse Brexit through the back door. Reform UK and other Eurosceptic politicians are likely to argue that Britain voted to leave the EU and that politicians should respect that decision.
Burnham will therefore need to communicate his strategy carefully. He must make clear that cooperation is not the same as membership. Britain can work closely with European countries without surrendering its sovereignty or formally returning to the European Union.
At the same time, Burnham has to manage expectations among pro-European voters. Some Labour supporters want Britain eventually to return to the EU, and Burnham himself has previously expressed support for that possibility in the longer term. However, he has also indicated that reopening the Brexit argument is not his immediate priority.
This balancing act may be one of the defining features of his European policy. He can present himself as a politician who accepts the reality of Brexit while seeking to reduce its negative consequences. Instead of asking whether Brexit was right or wrong, he can ask a more practical question: how can Britain build the closest possible relationship with Europe while remaining outside the EU?
Macron is likely to have his own priorities. France wants Britain to remain closely involved in European security while also ensuring that cooperation benefits EU member states. Paris may support a stronger British-European relationship, but it will also expect Britain to respect the rules governing access to the single market.
The negotiations will therefore not be easy. A reset requires compromises on both sides. Britain may want greater market access without accepting all EU rules, while European countries may want Britain to align more closely with European standards. Finding common ground will require patience and political flexibility.
The timing of Macron’s visit also gives the meeting symbolic importance. His arrival in London represents an attempt to demonstrate that Britain and France remain close allies despite the divisions of the Brexit era. The visit will also coincide with the opening of the Bayeux Tapestry exhibition in London, providing a cultural reminder of the centuries of history connecting the two countries.
That symbolism should not be underestimated. Political relationships are influenced not only by treaties and trade agreements but also by trust. Years of Brexit arguments created frustration on both sides of the Channel. A successful reset would therefore require leaders to build a more constructive atmosphere.
For Burnham, the opportunity is considerable. If he can improve relations with France and the wider European Union, British businesses could benefit from reduced trade barriers, young people could gain greater opportunities, and cooperation on security and migration could become more effective. At the same time, stronger European relationships could enhance Britain’s influence internationally.
But the risks are equally real. If the public believes that the government is attempting to reverse Brexit without a clear mandate, Burnham could face a serious political backlash. If negotiations produce only symbolic agreements without practical benefits, supporters may also become disappointed.
Ultimately, the success of Burnham’s Brexit reset will depend on whether he can turn diplomatic goodwill into concrete results. Better relationships are valuable, but voters will want to see what those relationships deliver in their everyday lives.
The meeting with Emmanuel Macron could therefore mark the beginning of a new chapter. It is unlikely to erase the divisions created by Brexit, nor should it be expected to solve every problem between Britain and Europe. But it could establish a different approach based on practical cooperation rather than constant political confrontation.
Britain does not need to choose between isolation and European membership. There is a wide range of possibilities between the two. A closer relationship with France and the EU could allow Britain to protect its sovereignty while cooperating where cooperation makes economic, social and strategic sense.
For Andy Burnham, that may be the central message of the new European policy: Brexit does not have to mean Britain turning its back on Europe. The country can remain outside the European Union while rebuilding bridges with its closest neighbours.
Macron’s visit to Downing Street will therefore be watched closely. It could become an early indication of whether Burnham can deliver the “reset” he has promised and whether Britain and Europe are ready to move beyond the arguments of the past.
The real test will come after the cameras leave Downing Street. If the two leaders can translate their shared interests into practical agreements, the meeting could represent more than diplomatic symbolism. It could be the first significant step towards a more cooperative post-Brexit relationship—and a sign that Britain and Europe are finally ready to look forward rather than continue fighting over the past.
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