Richard Tice expects Rachel Reeves and Keir Starmer won’t get to do another Budget (Image: Adam Gerrard / Jordan Pettitt / Wiktor Szymanowicz)
This will be the last time Sir Keir Starmer and Rachel Reeves get to devise Britain’s Budget, according to one of the key architects of the Reform UK revolution. Deputy leader Richard Tice says he is convinced the Prime Minister and Chancellor’s time in power is coming to an end. Reform has a double-digit lead over its rivals and Mr Tice is at the heart of the team working to put Nigel Farage in Number 10.
They are also constructing policies to tackle the greatest threats to Britain – and he says he wants to “weep” when he sees what Labour has done to the economy. If Ms Reeves launches a new tax raid in the November 26 Budget, he warns, “more people will lose their jobs and growth will go down”.
“This will be Rachel Reeves’s last Budget, of that I am convinced,” he says. “And I actually think it will be Keir Starmer’s last Budget as Prime Minister.”
He says the Reform team are working “all hours that God gives” in pursuit of victory the next time the UK goes to the polls.
Framing the opportunity and the challenge, he says: “Can we win the next general election? Yes. Is it easy? No.”
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He is no doubt what the top three priorities of a Reform Chancellor must be. He or she must “cut vast amounts of wasteful spending, scrap net stupid zero, and scrap a whole load of daft, unproductive regulations”.
Mr Tice fears that in six to 12 months people up and down the land will be talking about unemployment.
He warns: “All of the data is heading the wrong direction – investment, jobs, vacancies and confidence. Everywhere you look, there’s doom and gloom… “The only thing propping up the economy is the sugar rush of often wasteful public sector spending.”
At the core of his vision for reviving Britain’s economy is taking on the legions of the “workshy” and getting people back into jobs.
“Everybody has to understand there is no such thing as a free lunch,” he insists. Everybody’s got to contribute. Everybody’s got to pay their way.”
Mr Tice worked for decades in the property business. His website describes how he started out digging foundations in the snow with Irish labourers and ended up as the chief executive of an international real estate company.
“Work is a great thing,” he says. “It’s good for your family. It’s good as an example to your children.”
The 61-year-old says the “best cure for mental health” is to “get up, get out, get on, get busy”.
Richard Tice has been at the heart of anti-EU campaigns and is now working to make Nigel Farage PM (Image: Anadolu via Getty Images)
He relishes his packed-diary life as the MP for Boston and Skegness and has a track record of turning long-shot goals into reality. An arch-eurosceptic, he co-founded Leave.EU to push for Britain’s exit from the European Union.
Once the country voted Out, he helped launch Leave Means Leave so the UK would not sign a Brexit deal that left it a Brussels rule-taker. And in April 2019 he quit the Conservatives and became the chairman of the Brexit Party, which is now Reform UK.
The Conservatives, he says, have “got to be binned and they will be binned”.
Britain’s traditional parties of power are waiting to see whether Reform can turn its high poll numbers into votes – and a key test will come in May when thousands of council seats and control of the Welsh and Scottish parliaments are all up for grabs.
Can the party lead the Welsh Government, which has been run by Labour ever since Sir Tony Blair introduced devolution in 1999?
“Hopefully,” he says. “I mean, we’re working very hard. We’re not in any way complacent.”
He says Reform are an “existential threat” to Labour, who finished third behind Reform and winners Plaid Cymru in the recent Caerphilly by-election.
“They’ve run Wales into the ground over the last 20-plus years and people want change,” he says. “People want Reform.
“And I’m convinced that they’re going to vote for it and they’re going to surprise everybody.”
Reform, which is unapologetic about wanting to make the most of North Sea oil and gas reserves, “could so extraordinarily well in Scotland,” he claims, adding: “Drill, Scotland, drill is a pretty popular slogan, to be honest.”
Reform UK is working for a breakthrough in Scotland (Image: DAILY RECORD)
If the party can prove it can run a nation – while improving life in the council areas it controls across the country – then voters who are disillusioned with decades of Conservative and Labour management of Britain may be prepared to entrust Reform with power at Westminster.
“The state of the country’s finances absolutely give me sleepless nights, they give Nigel sleepless nights,” he says. “We’re very clear about that.”
But he sees no shortage of areas where burdens can be removed from businesses and households.
“Businesses have got this new packaging tax that’s coming in almost as we speak, which for all businesses is just a logistical, expensive, useless, pointless nightmare,” he states. “And these are the sort of things that we’ll just scrap.”
He wants to tackle “dodgy” barbers, minimarkets and vape shops on the nation’s high streets and get a grip on businesses he believes are fronts for laundering drug money.
“The whole thing is right in plain sight,” he says. “The whole thing’s crackers. Absolutely crackers.”
Reform has reached the top of the polls at a time when illegal immigration is a key concern for many voters. Mr Tice is scathing about Labour’s attempts to stop migrant crossings in the Channel.
“We all wish the Government well in stopping the boats,” he says. “Everybody wants them stopped.
“But clearly their current strategy has failed hugely. They said they’d smash the gangs and that would stop the boats.
“They haven’t smashed the gangs. They’ve encouraged the gangs.”
Migrants continue to cross the English Channel from France (Image: Getty)
He is incensed when describing France’s role in stopping dinghies taking off.
“France? All they’re doing is banking our cash, giving some of it to their gendarmes,” he says. “By the way, I think there’s a massive level of corruption in and around northern France. They are all complicit. It all suits them.
“They’re laughing at our stupidity.”
The Conservatives now support pulling out of the European Convention of Human Rights but Mr Tice sees no chance of cross-party consensus on this by the time of the next election.
“The Lib Dems and Labour, they’re obsessed with this ridiculous, outdated, archaic dinosaur legislation,” he says.
And he is “very concerned” at how Labour may push Britain closer to the EU in the years before the country gets the chance to elect a new Government.
“There’s no growth in the EU,” he says, adding: “It’s not like they are shooting the lights out compared to the UK. They’re not.
“They’re all in deep trouble with a couple of smallish exceptions. Why would you want to handcuff yourself to a failing model that’s sinking relative to the global competition?”
He worries Britain will “barely grow at all” in the coming years and wants to create a culture where people work hard, succeed and take on staff, where tax cuts are affordable and the economy grows.
Richard Tice in his Westminster office (Image: Adam Gerrard / Sunday Express)
The rise of Reform is mirrored on the Left by the surge in support for Zack Polanski’s Greens but Mr Tice argues there is a “direct link” between the growth of renewable energy and the increase in electricity prices. He claims this is “destroying industries” and “everybody can see it in their bills”.
However, he insists Reform is “passionate about the environment,” saying: “Why would you cover tens of thousands of acres of productive farmland that should be used for producing food? You’ve got whole villages being surrounded by solar panels.
“That is not environmentally friendly. That’s not good for the countryside.”
Despite his dismay at Labour’s stewardship of the country it is clear he adores being an MP.
“I love it,” he says. “It’s great. It’s fantastic.”
He talks with satisfaction about sorting out issues for his constituents, ranging from assisting a pensioner with a DWP miscalculation to helping a young lad in need of replacement wheelchair.
“Those are things where you can make a difference and it’s incredibly rewarding,” he says.
He has already shaped modern Britain through his years in the Brexit movement. Now he wants to make Mr Farage Prime Minister and “save the UK”.
Whether he gets to grasp the levers of power is up to the voters of the UK but he will not tire of making the case for radical change.
Richard Tice Savages Rachel Reeves and Keir Starmer – ‘This Will Be Their Last Budget’
Richard Tice has launched another fierce attack on Rachel Reeves and Keir Starmer, arguing that the Labour government’s approach to taxation, borrowing and economic policy could ultimately bring its political tenure to an end.
The Reform UK deputy leader has repeatedly criticised the Chancellor’s Budgets, accusing Labour of increasing the tax burden while failing to generate sufficiently strong economic growth. His latest warning that a Budget could be the “last” for Reeves and Starmer reflects Reform’s broader political argument that voters are becoming dissatisfied with the government’s economic direction.
However, the claim is a political prediction rather than an established outcome. The timing of the next general election and the composition of the next government remain matters for Parliament and voters.
Tice made his argument particularly forcefully during the Commons debate on the November 2025 Budget. He described the Budget as a “car crash” and argued that the government’s policies were damaging business confidence, employment and economic growth.
His criticism focused heavily on the tax burden.
Tice argued that Labour’s policies would push taxation to historically high levels. He also attacked what he described as weak growth forecasts and rising borrowing, saying that the government’s economic strategy was moving in the wrong direction.
During the parliamentary debate, he claimed that borrowing was around £21 billion higher than the previous Office for Budget Responsibility forecast for the year and more than £60 billion higher over the following four years. Those figures were part of Tice’s criticism of the Budget and his argument that the government was not exercising sufficient control over public finances.
Labour MPs disputed his interpretation.
The disagreement illustrates the wider political battle over Britain’s economic record. Reform argues that high taxes, government spending and welfare costs can weaken incentives to work, invest and build businesses. Labour argues that its spending and investment programme is designed to strengthen public services, support households and create the foundations for longer-term economic growth.
Reeves has repeatedly defended the government’s fiscal strategy.
In March 2026, the Treasury said the government’s Spring Forecast showed borrowing falling by almost £18 billion compared with the previous autumn forecast, while headroom against the government’s stability rule had increased to almost £24 billion. The government also said inflation was expected to return to target during the second half of 2026.
Those figures provide an important counterpoint to Reform’s criticism.
The political argument therefore centres not only on the level of taxation, but on what taxpayers receive in return and whether higher public spending can eventually contribute to stronger economic performance.
Tice’s criticism is particularly focused on businesses.
He has argued that repeated tax increases can discourage companies from hiring workers and investing in expansion. During the Commons Budget debate, he said recruitment agents had told him that businesses had reduced hiring, particularly among younger workers. He presented that as evidence that the government’s policies were affecting economic confidence.
Such claims need to be considered alongside broader economic data rather than treated as proof of a single cause.
Employment, investment and growth are influenced by numerous factors, including interest rates, international economic conditions, productivity, energy prices and consumer demand. The government’s supporters argue that public investment and industrial policy can strengthen the economy over time.
For Reform, however, the central message remains that Britain needs a substantial change of direction.
Tice has promoted policies aimed at reducing what Reform regards as unnecessary government spending and increasing incentives to work and invest. During his Budget speech, he listed several alternatives, including changes to quantitative easing, foreign aid and welfare policy.
This forms part of Reform’s wider economic platform.
The party has sought to differentiate itself from both Labour and the Conservatives by arguing that successive governments have failed to tackle what it regards as excessive taxation, weak productivity and inefficient public spending.
Tice’s attack on Reeves also reflects an important political reality: Reform does not need to control the Treasury to influence the economic debate.
As one of the government’s most outspoken parliamentary critics, Tice can use Budget debates to present Reform’s alternative proposals and challenge Labour’s assumptions.
The Conservatives also criticise Reeves, but Reform’s language is generally more radical. Tice has repeatedly argued that Britain needs a fundamental change rather than adjustments to the existing economic model.
That message is central to the party’s attempt to establish itself as a long-term political alternative.
Yet the question of whether the Labour government’s Budget will actually be its last is considerably more complicated.
A government does not necessarily leave office because of one Budget. Its survival depends on parliamentary confidence, political events, elections and the choices of voters.
Tice’s phrase should therefore be understood as a political warning.
He is arguing that the economic consequences of Labour’s decisions could become politically damaging. That is different from demonstrating that Starmer or Reeves will actually be removed from office after a particular Budget.
The distinction is important because economic criticism is often highly partisan.
Labour points to falling borrowing in its Spring Forecast and argues that its economic plan is creating greater stability. Reform points to taxation, borrowing and growth figures and argues that the same policies are placing excessive pressure on households and businesses. Both sides select different indicators to support competing political narratives.
The debate over Rachel Reeves’ tax policy is particularly contentious.
At the 2025 Budget, Reeves extended the freeze on income-tax thresholds. According to analysis cited by the Guardian, the Office for Budget Responsibility estimated that the measure would raise around £8 billion a year by 2029-30. Because wages can rise while tax thresholds remain frozen, more people can gradually become liable for income tax or move into higher tax bands.
Reform has seized on such measures as evidence that Labour is increasing the tax burden indirectly.
The government, however, distinguishes between changing tax rates and freezing thresholds. Labour’s manifesto had promised not to increase national insurance, the basic, higher or additional rates of income tax, or VAT. The precise interpretation of that commitment has itself become the subject of political argument.
This illustrates why Budget debates can become so politically charged.
A government may technically maintain headline tax rates while changing thresholds, allowances or other rules that affect how much individuals ultimately pay. Opposition parties can describe that as a tax rise, while the government can argue that it has respected its specific commitments.
The political disagreement is therefore partly about numbers and partly about definitions.
Tice has nevertheless sought to turn the issue into a broader criticism of Labour’s economic philosophy.
His argument is that Britain cannot tax its way to prosperity. Reform believes lower taxes and stronger incentives would encourage economic activity, while Labour argues that investment in infrastructure, public services and households can support growth and improve living standards.
That disagreement is likely to remain central to British politics.
It also explains why Tice’s warning about a “last Budget” carries significance beyond one parliamentary speech. Reform is attempting to frame every major economic announcement as a test of Labour’s credibility.
If the government’s economic performance improves, Labour can point to falling borrowing, investment and improving economic indicators as evidence that its strategy is working.
If economic pressures remain severe, Reform and other opposition parties will have opportunities to argue that the government’s approach has failed.
Neither interpretation can be settled simply by political rhetoric.
Ultimately, economic policy has to be assessed through a broad range of indicators, including growth, productivity, employment, inflation, borrowing, debt, investment and household incomes.
For now, Tice is using those arguments to deliver a straightforward political message: Reform believes Britain needs a different economic direction, and it wants voters to associate that alternative with the failures it attributes to Labour.
Rachel Reeves and Keir Starmer, meanwhile, continue to defend their economic programme and argue that their policies are designed to create stability and long-term growth.
The next stages of Britain’s economic debate will therefore be closely watched.
Whether Tice’s prediction about a “last Budget” ultimately proves correct is something that cannot be established in advance. What can be seen clearly is the widening political divide over taxation, borrowing and the role of government.
For Reform, those issues provide an opportunity to challenge Labour from the right and promote its own economic proposals.
For Labour, they represent a test of whether its economic strategy can deliver measurable improvements while maintaining public confidence.
And for voters, the central question is not simply which politician delivers the sharpest attack. It is whether the economic policies being proposed can produce sustainable growth, manageable public finances and improved living standards over time.
That debate is likely to continue long after the headlines surrounding any single Budget have disappeared.