The PM is in the final throes of his disastrous premiership (Image: Getty)

Remember, these are the polls Labour tried to kick into the long grass in its failed bid to derail democracy.

But activists up and down the country will tell you – with a straight face – these elections are all about local issues. Nonsense.

After the bloodbath he’ll be gone. And good riddance. But only a fool would pretend the nightmare is over. It will continue for another three years, probably with Angela Rayner or Ed Miliband at the wheel.

It is the ultimate humiliation for a man who less than two years ago said the “sunlight of hope” was shining on Britain once again after Labour won a landslide election victory.

Instead it hasn’t.

A more accurate image is an unshiftable dark cloud hanging over Britain, raining incompetence, during a Labour tenure noted for U-turns, unparalleled domestic loathing, and international embarrassment.

Small wonder why Labour councillors dare not speak Starmer’s name.

Down on the South Coast even gnarled old leftie John Baine, better known by his stage name Attila the Stockbroker, is riddled with shame.

The 68-year-old poet has been walking the streets of Southwick Green, a ward near Brighton, in support of his Labour councillor wife Robina and colleagues on Adur Council who a short time ago formed the first Labour administration in the authority’s history.

You might have thought the loudmouthed socialist would be proud to bang the Labour drum. Not so. And his comments are echoed across the land where the very people that are supposed to represent the Government openly detest, abhor, and despise what snivelling Starmer and his third-rate collection of clowns have done to this country.

Farage and Reform look set to be the beneficiaries of Labour’s incompetence (Image: Getty)

In words that surely speak for the nation, Mr Baine said: “I’m doing this despite the ball and chain of a terrible national government which has, bizarrely, amplified its own failings and failed to promote its own successes to a degree which is beyond comprehension. Just this very day comes the disgusting news of (Peter) Mandelson’s elevation despite clear knowledge of his activities. I’m doing this for our pioneering council, built from scratch in a few years, and my inspirational wife. Not for Keir Starmer and his acolytes. This is a LOCAL election. About LOCAL stuff. Simple.”

Except it is very much not.

Starmer is like an indelible stain, whether dedicated local councillors like it or not. They will pay the price for his catastrophic decisions. And May 7 will be a referendum on Starmer and Labour.

Trying his best, Mr Baine added: “I know the counter arguments and have dealt with them over and over again – no need for any more, it’ll be like arguing with the tide. My stance is that in every ward across the country people should vote for the candidate best placed to defeat Reform.”

Good luck with that. Nigel Farage and Reform will be the major beneficiaries of Labour’s incompetence.

The country gave up on Starmer a long time ago. Now even his once loyal local councillors have too.

They can see what is coming, even if he can’t.

The game is up.

Starmer So Toxic Even Loyal Local Labour Councillors Dare Not Speak His Name

Keir Starmer has become the focus of renewed criticism after claims that even Labour councillors who remain loyal to the party are reluctant to associate themselves publicly with his political brand. The controversy highlights the difficulties faced by Labour politicians as they attempt to balance loyalty to their national leadership with the pressures they encounter from voters in their own communities.

The relationship between national and local politics can often be complicated. Councillors are responsible for representing residents on issues that directly affect everyday life, including council finances, housing, transport, social care, planning and local services. Their electoral fortunes can therefore depend heavily on local perceptions, even when national political figures dominate the wider political debate.

For Labour councillors, this creates a particular challenge when the national party leadership becomes unpopular with sections of the electorate. They may continue to support Labour’s overall political programme while simultaneously trying to distance themselves from unpopular national controversies.

That distinction has become increasingly important as Labour’s political fortunes have changed since its return to government.

Starmer led Labour to a large parliamentary majority at the 2024 general election. The result transformed the party’s position after years in opposition and appeared to establish Labour as the dominant force in Westminster. Yet the party subsequently encountered substantial political difficulties, with local election results and polling providing evidence of changing voter attitudes.

The emergence of Reform UK has made the situation more complicated. Nigel Farage’s party has sought support from voters who previously backed both Labour and the Conservatives. Its focus on immigration, taxation, public spending, national sovereignty and dissatisfaction with established political institutions has allowed it to compete in areas where Labour historically enjoyed strong support.

For local Labour politicians, the challenge is particularly acute in communities where voters are becoming less attached to traditional party identities.

A councillor campaigning for re-election may find that residents want answers about local services rather than Westminster politics. Nevertheless, national leaders inevitably become part of the conversation. Voters can associate local Labour candidates with the government’s wider record, even when councillors have little direct influence over national policy.

This can encourage local politicians to emphasise their own records and community work rather than repeatedly highlighting the national leadership.

The suggestion that councillors are reluctant to mention Starmer should therefore be understood within this wider political context. It does not necessarily mean that Labour’s local organisation has abandoned the prime minister or that councillors universally oppose him. Instead, it illustrates how national political reputations can influence local campaigns.

Labour’s experience is not unique. Local representatives from all major parties can face tensions when national leaders become controversial or unpopular. Councillors frequently have to defend decisions made at Westminster while attempting to maintain their own relationships with residents.

For Labour, however, the issue has particular significance because the party’s electoral coalition has historically depended on strong local organisation. Councillors, activists and community campaigners form an important part of the infrastructure that allows Labour to compete across the country.

If those representatives begin avoiding national political branding, it can create a disconnect between the national party and its grassroots organisation.

The rise of Reform UK has intensified this pressure. Reform has frequently argued that Labour has failed to deliver the change promised to voters who supported it in 2024. Farage and his colleagues have sought to portray the party as an alternative for voters dissatisfied with the established political system.

Some of Reform’s strongest appeals have centred on immigration and concerns about the cost of government. Labour has attempted to respond through its own policies, but disagreements over the government’s approach have created difficult political conversations in some constituencies.

Local Labour politicians can consequently find themselves dealing with questions about issues that are largely outside the direct control of councils.

The situation also reflects a broader change in British electoral behaviour. Voters are increasingly willing to switch between parties rather than remaining permanently attached to one political organisation. A person who voted Labour at the general election may support a different party at a local election, while a former Conservative voter may consider Reform.

This fluidity makes political branding particularly important.

For Labour councillors, attaching themselves closely to a national leader can provide benefits when the party is popular. But when national approval falls, the same association can become more complicated. Candidates may instead focus on local achievements, individual reputations and specific community issues.

That does not necessarily represent disloyalty. Local politicians often have their own political priorities and relationships with constituents.

The controversy nevertheless raises an important question about Labour’s national leadership: how effectively can it maintain a connection with its representatives on the ground?

A governing party needs more than MPs in Westminster. It also depends on councillors and activists who interact with voters throughout the country. Their experiences can provide early indications of public dissatisfaction, particularly when residents are more willing to discuss concerns with local representatives than national politicians.

If councillors repeatedly report frustration among voters, national leaders may face pressure to change their messaging or policies.

The challenge for Starmer’s Labour has been particularly pronounced because the party entered government with high expectations. After a long period of Conservative rule, many Labour supporters expected substantial improvements in public services and living standards. Delivering those changes has proved politically difficult amid financial constraints and competing demands.

Issues such as taxation, welfare, immigration, housing and the National Health Service have all generated debate within Labour’s wider support base.

For some voters, dissatisfaction has resulted in movement towards Reform. Others have turned towards the Greens or Liberal Democrats, while some have simply become less engaged with electoral politics.

This creates a difficult environment for Labour councillors seeking to defend their seats.

The political consequences extend beyond individual council elections. Local election performance can influence perceptions of national momentum, party organisation and voter confidence. Strong results can provide opposition parties with additional councillors and activists, while poor results can trigger internal debates about strategy.

Reform has used its local election advances to argue that its support is becoming increasingly established. The Conservatives have simultaneously attempted to regain voters who moved towards Farage’s party. Labour therefore faces competition from several directions.

The question of Starmer’s personal political reputation is consequently only one part of a broader problem.

A national leader can become a convenient symbol for wider public frustrations. Voters may associate that leader with issues that are actually the result of several years of political decisions, economic conditions or local circumstances. Conversely, a popular leader can strengthen the prospects of candidates across an entire party.

For Labour councillors, the practical calculation is often straightforward: they must win the confidence of the residents in their own wards.

That can mean talking about potholes, housing developments, local transport, council tax, parks, social care and community safety rather than national political controversies. Candidates may believe that concentrating on local issues allows them to establish a direct relationship with voters.

Whether that approach succeeds depends heavily on local circumstances.

The idea that Starmer’s name has become something Labour politicians must avoid is therefore best treated as a political claim rather than a universal description of Labour’s grassroots organisation. Evidence of individual councillors taking different approaches does not establish that all Labour councillors share the same view.

What is clear is that Labour faces a significant challenge in maintaining a consistent national identity while allowing local representatives to respond to the concerns of their own communities.

The experience also demonstrates why local elections can be so important for national parties. They provide an opportunity for voters to express dissatisfaction between general elections and can reveal shifts in political behaviour before those changes are tested nationally.

For Reform UK, every Labour setback provides an opportunity to expand. For Labour, every successful local campaign provides evidence that the party can retain support even in a difficult national environment.

The Conservatives are also closely involved in this competition. Their own attempts to rebuild under Kemi Badenoch are aimed partly at voters who have moved towards Reform. This means Labour cannot simply focus on one challenger.

The modern British political landscape is increasingly fragmented, and local politicians must navigate that fragmentation directly.

The controversy surrounding Starmer’s name ultimately reflects this wider transformation. National party loyalty remains important, but voters are becoming more willing to distinguish between local representatives and national leaders.

Labour councillors may support the party while choosing to emphasise their own local record. They may defend government policies on some issues while criticising others. They may also adapt their campaigning style according to the priorities of their constituents.

That flexibility can be important in local government, where voters often judge individual councillors differently from national politicians.

For Starmer and Labour’s national organisation, however, the challenge is to ensure that local representatives still believe the party’s national message gives them an electoral advantage rather than creating an additional burden.

The growing competition from Reform makes that task more urgent. Farage’s party has demonstrated that it can attract voters who once appeared securely attached to established parties. Labour therefore faces pressure to understand why those voters are becoming dissatisfied and what issues are driving them towards alternatives.

Ultimately, the debate over whether Labour councillors are reluctant to mention Starmer is part of a much larger story about political identity. Britain’s party system is becoming more competitive, voter loyalty is less predictable and local representatives are increasingly required to navigate national political turbulence.

The strength of Labour’s grassroots organisation will depend on how effectively it responds to these changes. The party’s local councillors remain an important link between Westminster and communities across Britain, and their experiences can influence how Labour understands the electorate.

Whether Starmer’s political brand becomes an obstacle or an asset for Labour representatives will depend on future public opinion, government performance and electoral results. What the current debate demonstrates, however, is that the relationship between national leadership and local campaigning has become one of the most important questions facing Labour as it confronts a rapidly changing political landscape.

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