Andy Burnham is pushing for closer ties with the EU (Image: Getty)

Pointing out that Labour “will not be in government forever”, he added that a future Conservative or Reform UK administration could “leave again”.

He said: “I think people like me, Conservatives, people in Reform, would be absolutely clear that if we were to rejoin by Act of Parliament without the consent of the British people, we would not see that as valid.”

“When you say to them do you want to join the single currency they say no.

“So as soon as we get into the debate, people will realise that all the reasons they voted to leave are still true.”

Leading Brexiteer Sir Jacob Rees-Mogg (Image: JONATHAN BUCKMASTER)

But this fell to just 35% if Britain did not have its prior opt-outs, with 43% opposed.

Any major change on the relationship with the EU will have to come after the next general election as Mr Burnham has committed to Labour’s 2024 red lines not to return to the single market, customs union or free movement.

The Prime Minister, who pledged not to “re-run” the Brexit arguments when standing in the Makerfield by-election, has said voters would be “the boss” of any changes.

Andy Burnham Issued Major Warning Over Brexit U-Turn Plan – EU Won’t Be Happy

Prime Minister Andy Burnham is facing an increasingly complicated political battle over his plans to reshape Britain’s relationship with the European Union, as growing concerns emerge about whether his proposed Brexit U-turn can deliver the benefits he promises. While Burnham believes that closer cooperation with Brussels could improve Britain’s economy, strengthen trade and help tackle immigration problems, critics have warned that the reality of negotiating with the EU could be far more difficult than he expects. The European Union may welcome Britain’s renewed interest in closer relations, but that does not mean Brussels will simply offer the United Kingdom a favourable deal. If Britain wants greater access to the European market, it may have to accept significant obligations, financial contributions and regulatory conditions. For Burnham, the challenge is becoming increasingly clear: reversing some of the consequences of Brexit could prove much harder than making political promises.

Since becoming Prime Minister, Burnham has repeatedly criticised the Brexit arrangements negotiated by the previous Conservative government. He argues that Britain experienced a harder Brexit than voters were originally promised during the 2016 referendum campaign. According to him, the existing agreement has created unnecessary barriers for businesses, increased administrative costs and contributed to years of disappointing economic performance. He believes that Britain should no longer accept the current arrangements as permanent and should examine every possible option for improving its long-term relationship with Europe.

However, his position has created a significant political dilemma. During the Brexit referendum, millions of British voters supported leaving the European Union because they wanted greater control over national laws, immigration and economic decisions. Many believed that leaving would allow Britain to negotiate better trade agreements and establish a more independent future. Although public attitudes towards Brexit have changed over the years, the issue remains deeply divisive. Burnham must therefore demonstrate that his proposed changes are genuinely in Britain’s interests rather than simply an attempt to reverse a historic democratic decision.

One of the biggest complications concerns the European single market. Membership provides businesses with access to a large economic area, allowing goods, services, capital and people to move under common rules. Returning to this arrangement could reduce certain trade barriers and make it easier for British companies to sell their products and services across Europe. Manufacturers, exporters and financial institutions could potentially benefit from more predictable regulations and improved market access.

Nevertheless, the EU has consistently made clear that access to the single market comes with responsibilities. Britain cannot expect to enjoy all the economic advantages while rejecting the rules that govern participation. These could include accepting relevant European regulations, financial contributions and arrangements involving the free movement of people. This presents a serious political challenge for Burnham, particularly because immigration control was one of the central arguments behind Brexit.

The issue of freedom of movement is likely to become one of the most controversial parts of any future negotiations. Before Brexit, citizens from EU member states could generally live and work in Britain without the same immigration restrictions applied to people from outside the bloc. Supporters of European integration argue that restoring greater mobility could help businesses recruit workers, address labour shortages and improve opportunities for young people.

However, many Brexit supporters remain strongly opposed to returning to the previous system. They believe that Britain should retain the ability to determine who can enter the country, how long people can stay and under what conditions they can work. Burnham has attempted to avoid making promises about restoring freedom of movement, insisting that the public must decide the country’s future direction. Nevertheless, his willingness to discuss the possibility has already created tensions within his own government.

Home Secretary Shabana Mahmood has expressed concerns about the implications of closer European integration, particularly regarding immigration. Her position highlights the difficulties facing Burnham as he attempts to maintain unity within the Cabinet. Some Labour politicians want stronger economic cooperation with Europe, while others fear that reopening the immigration debate could alienate voters who supported Brexit.

Another major obstacle is the question of Britain’s financial contribution. If the United Kingdom eventually seeks closer participation in European institutions or considers rejoining the EU, it will have to negotiate the financial terms. The country previously benefited from a special budget rebate secured by Margaret Thatcher. There is no guarantee that such an arrangement would be available under any future membership agreement. British taxpayers could therefore face substantial financial commitments, depending on the terms negotiated.

The government would need to explain why any additional contribution represents good value for the country. Ministers would have to demonstrate that the economic benefits of closer European integration outweigh the financial obligations. At a time when public services are under pressure, households are struggling with living costs and the Treasury is facing difficult budgetary decisions, any suggestion of substantial payments to Brussels could generate considerable opposition.

There is also a question of how much influence Britain would have over European rules. Critics argue that the country could find itself following regulations established in Brussels without having the same voting rights it enjoyed when it was an EU member. This is particularly important for people who supported Brexit because they wanted Parliament to regain control over national legislation.

Supporters of closer relations respond that economic cooperation does not necessarily mean surrendering national sovereignty. They argue that Britain can negotiate practical agreements that protect domestic interests while reducing unnecessary barriers to trade. However, the distinction between cooperation and deeper political integration will need to be explained clearly to the public.

The European Union also has its own interests to protect. European leaders may welcome Britain’s more constructive attitude, but they are unlikely to offer special treatment simply because the British government wants a closer relationship. Brussels will expect any agreement to respect established principles and provide benefits for both sides. EU negotiators will also want guarantees that Britain cannot gain preferential access to European markets while avoiding the obligations accepted by other participating countries.

This is where Burnham’s strategy could encounter its most serious difficulties. Britain wants better access to European markets, but Brussels wants a stable and predictable relationship based on agreed rules. Both sides may have different priorities regarding migration, trade, environmental regulations, financial contributions and the movement of workers. Reaching an agreement that satisfies everyone could require months or even years of complicated negotiations.

The upcoming UK-EU summit on November 20, 2026, is therefore particularly important. The government hopes to make progress on practical arrangements covering food and agricultural trade, emissions trading and youth mobility. These agreements could help British businesses reduce administrative difficulties and improve cooperation with European partners. However, negotiations are not expected to be straightforward. Questions surrounding tuition fees for European students and Britain’s access to European industrial programmes have already created additional complications.

Another concern is the possibility that the Brexit debate could strengthen Reform UK. Nigel Farage has consistently presented himself as one of the strongest defenders of Britain’s decision to leave the European Union. He is likely to use any suggestion of a major Brexit reversal to challenge Burnham’s leadership and appeal to voters who believe that politicians are ignoring the result of the 2016 referendum.

The Conservatives are also expected to question the government’s approach. Kemi Badenoch has criticised Burnham’s position and argued that Labour risks reopening divisions that the country has spent years trying to overcome. Opposition politicians may portray the proposed changes as evidence that the government lacks a clear economic strategy and is willing to compromise national independence for uncertain benefits.

For Labour, the political consequences could be significant. The party must maintain support among voters who favour closer European relations while avoiding the alienation of communities that strongly supported Brexit. Burnham’s constituency of Makerfield voted decisively to leave in 2016, making the issue particularly sensitive for the Prime Minister.

Nevertheless, there are economic arguments behind Burnham’s approach that cannot simply be dismissed. British businesses have faced additional paperwork, customs procedures and regulatory difficulties since Brexit. Smaller exporters have sometimes struggled with the administrative costs of accessing European markets. Improving these arrangements could support investment, employment and economic growth.

The challenge is to achieve these improvements without making commitments that the British public would reject. Burnham has said that fundamental changes to Britain’s relationship with Europe should be decided by the public and considered by the next Parliament. This suggests that he understands the political risks, but it also means that his government must provide convincing evidence before asking voters to support a different direction.

Ultimately, the EU is unlikely to accept a British proposal based entirely on what Westminster considers convenient. European leaders will defend their own economic and political interests, just as Britain must defend its national priorities. A successful agreement will require compromise, realistic expectations and a willingness to recognise that closer cooperation has costs as well as benefits.

In conclusion, Andy Burnham’s Brexit U-turn plan could become one of the defining political battles of his premiership. His ambition to rebuild Britain’s relationship with Europe may offer opportunities for trade, investment and economic growth, but the obstacles are considerable. Freedom of movement, financial contributions, European regulations and questions of national sovereignty will all have to be addressed. The EU may welcome Britain’s renewed interest in cooperation, but Brussels will not necessarily give London the favourable terms it wants. Burnham must convince both European leaders and British voters that his strategy represents a genuine improvement rather than another costly political experiment. The ultimate question is whether Britain can secure a better relationship with Europe without sacrificing the democratic principles and national interests that millions of people believed Brexit was supposed to protect.

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