If Andy Burnham thinks return of free moment will delight Red Wall he’s another thing coming (Image: Getty)

Now the PM wants to undo Brexit, the biggest democratic vote in British history, without so much as a consultation. Already households with foreign nationals took nearly £12billion in Universal Credit payments last year – the majority EU nationals.

The Red Wall voted to leave Brussels behind. Burnham cannot be allowed to ruin our country further with an irresponsible open-door policy with a sclerotic dying bloc like the EU.

Andy Burnham’s Latest Proposal Would Undo Biggest Democratic Vote in British History

Andy Burnham’s latest comments about Britain’s future relationship with the European Union have reignited one of the country’s most divisive political debates. Nearly a decade after the 2016 Brexit referendum, the Prime Minister is calling for an open discussion about closer ties with Brussels, including the possibility of revisiting freedom of movement. Critics argue that such a move risks undermining the decision millions of British voters made when they chose to leave the EU.

The controversy centres on what Brexit was intended to achieve, whether the current arrangements are delivering the promised benefits, and how much influence the public should have over any future changes.

In the 2016 referendum, approximately 52 per cent of voters chose to leave the European Union, while 48 per cent voted to remain. The result triggered years of political turmoil, negotiations and economic uncertainty before the United Kingdom formally left the bloc in January 2020.

For many Leave supporters, the referendum represented a clear demand for greater national control over immigration, laws and political decision-making. They argue that the result established a democratic mandate that governments should respect, rather than gradually revisiting through negotiations that could lead to significant changes.

Burnham, however, believes the country should examine the consequences of Brexit and consider whether a different long-term relationship with Europe could benefit Britain.

Speaking publicly about the issue, he has argued that the existing agreement is not good enough and that the country needs an evidence-based debate about its future. He has also acknowledged that he would like to see Britain return to the EU at some point during his lifetime, while insisting that he will not impose his personal views on the public.

That distinction has become central to the political argument.

Burnham has not announced an immediate plan to rejoin the EU. He has also said that he will not introduce changes during the current parliamentary term that breach the commitments made in Labour’s election manifesto. Nevertheless, his willingness to discuss freedom of movement and the possibility of a closer relationship with Brussels has alarmed Brexit supporters.

Nigel Farage has described Burnham’s position as a betrayal of those who voted Leave. Reform UK argues that the referendum result should not be weakened by policies that could restore arrangements voters believed they had rejected.

The dispute is particularly sensitive in communities where support for Brexit was strong. Many voters in former industrial towns and working-class constituencies backed leaving the EU because they wanted political leaders to address concerns about immigration, employment, public services and national sovereignty.

For these voters, the question is not simply whether closer economic cooperation could produce benefits. It is whether politicians are prepared to respect the result of a major national decision even when they believe a different policy might be economically advantageous.

Burnham has responded by insisting that the British public must remain in control of the process. Downing Street has also clarified that the government is not currently proposing a return to freedom of movement or committing itself to a particular long-term option. Officials say the immediate focus is on practical cooperation with European partners.

That clarification has not ended the controversy. Critics argue that opening the door to options previously ruled out could gradually shift the political debate towards reversing important parts of Brexit without a clear mandate from voters.

Freedom of movement is especially contentious because it was one of the most prominent issues during the referendum campaign. Under the arrangement that existed before Brexit, citizens of EU member states generally had rights to live and work in other member states, subject to the applicable rules. Leaving the EU ended the UK’s participation in that system for British and EU citizens in the same way as before.

Supporters of restoring some form of freedom of movement argue that it could make it easier for British citizens, particularly young people, to live, study and work across Europe. They also contend that closer cooperation could help businesses recruit workers and reduce barriers to trade.

Opponents counter that the policy would reduce Britain’s ability to control migration from the EU and could place additional pressure on housing, public services and infrastructure. They maintain that any economic advantages would need to be weighed against the political and practical consequences of changing the rules.

The evidence surrounding Brexit’s economic impact is also contested in political debate. Leaving the EU changed the UK’s trading relationship with its largest nearby market, creating new procedures and barriers for some businesses. Supporters of a closer relationship say reducing those obstacles could help economic growth. Brexit supporters argue that Britain should concentrate on using its independence to develop its own policies and trading relationships rather than moving back towards EU membership.

Neither argument can be settled simply by repeating the referendum result or by assuming that closer ties would automatically resolve Britain’s economic problems. The effects of any future agreement would depend on its precise terms, the obligations Britain accepted and the benefits secured in return.

The political question is whether Burnham’s proposed discussion will remain an examination of different options or become the starting point for a more fundamental change in Britain’s relationship with Europe.

The Prime Minister is due to meet EU leaders at a UK-EU summit in Brussels on November 20. He has indicated that he wants to set out possible approaches to the relationship, although Downing Street has stressed that no final decision has been made about a return to freedom of movement or another major change.

The summit is therefore likely to attract close attention from both supporters and opponents of Brexit. Any practical agreements reached could influence trade, cooperation and relations between Britain and its European neighbours. However, discussions about closer cooperation should not be confused with a decision to rejoin the EU.

There is also a question of democratic accountability. If a future government wanted to pursue a major change to the UK’s relationship with Europe, voters would reasonably expect a clear explanation of the proposal and its consequences. Whether such a change should be put to the public through a general election, a referendum or another democratic process would itself become a major political issue.

Burnham has insisted that he will not move ahead of the public. His critics will judge that promise against the proposals his government eventually puts forward, rather than his stated intention to encourage debate.

Ultimately, the dispute highlights a tension that has remained unresolved since 2016. One side believes Brexit should be treated as a settled democratic decision and that Britain should focus on making independence work. The other believes the country must remain willing to reconsider its arrangements if experience shows that a different approach could deliver better results.

The referendum gave the government a clear instruction to leave the European Union. It did not prevent future governments from discussing policy, but any attempt to reverse major elements of Brexit would carry significant political consequences.

For now, Burnham’s comments have reopened the debate rather than settled it. His government has not announced a plan to restore freedom of movement, and it has not committed to rejoining the EU during the current parliamentary term. Yet the possibility of a different future relationship is now firmly back on the political agenda.

The central issue remains whether closer ties with Europe would improve Britain’s economic prospects and international cooperation, or whether they would weaken the sovereignty and immigration controls that many voters believed Brexit was meant to secure.

As the debate develops, the government will face pressure to explain its intentions clearly. British voters who supported leaving the EU will want assurance that their decision is not being quietly reversed, while those who favour closer European integration will demand a serious assessment of the costs and benefits of the current arrangement.

Any lasting change will require more than political statements or negotiations behind closed doors. It will require transparent proposals, public scrutiny and a credible democratic mandate.

The argument over Brexit is therefore far from over. Burnham’s latest comments have brought the country’s competing visions of its future back into direct conflict, raising a fundamental question for British politics: how should a government balance the outcome of a historic referendum with the possibility that the country’s circumstances and priorities may have changed?

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