Andy Burnham is lining up a really crazy move on Europe that treats British attitudes and Brexit voters with open contempt.
Andy Burnham is lining up something really crazy on Europe, a move that lands like a punch on everyone who voted Brexit.
British attitudes to Europe have always been a little mad. That much is plain. Yet the Greater Manchester mayor now appears set on a course that doubles down on the old Brussels instinct instead of accepting the settled will of the country. The Daily Express put it without varnish: he has lost the plot and is about to punch Brexit voters in the face.
This is not careful listening. It is the familiar habit of treating the referendum result as an embarrassment to be managed rather than a decision to be honoured. Ordinary people who backed Leave did so for sovereignty, borders and the right to make their own laws. They did not ask for another round of grand schemes that pull the country back toward the orbit it chose to leave.
Burnham’s approach sits in that long pattern where metropolitan politicians talk past the public. They speak of pragmatism while the practical effect is to reopen wounds and signal that the votes of millions still do not quite count. British common sense has always mixed wariness of remote rule with a hard preference for control at home. Ignoring that mix is what keeps the madness alive.
The country moved on. Institutions and politicians who keep circling the same European ambitions only prove they have not. A serious politics would drop the lectures, drop the clever realignments, and accept that Brexit was not a temporary tantrum. It was a verdict. Lining up anything that treats that verdict as optional is exactly the crazy turn the public has already rejected.
Voters can spot the difference between leadership and another attempt to reverse the result by stealth. Burnham’s latest direction offers the latter, and it will be read as such across the towns and cities that made their choice clear.
Andy Burnham Loses the Plot Over Europe and Brexit Voters
Andy Burnham’s renewed push for closer ties with the European Union has reignited one of Britain’s most divisive political arguments, raising questions about whether Labour understands the concerns of voters who supported Brexit in 2016. The prime minister insists that Britain must reconsider its long-term relationship with Europe, but his approach has attracted criticism from Conservatives and raised concerns among some Labour MPs representing constituencies that voted to leave.
The dispute intensified after Burnham told Parliament on 12 October that the existing relationship with the EU was not good enough and that Britain needed to consider its options for the future. He argued that closer cooperation could help stimulate economic growth, strengthen security and improve the management of immigration. <Cite refs={[“turn359679news9″,”turn359679search3”]}/>
Critics have accused him of reopening a debate that many voters believed had been settled by the referendum. Supporters counter that examining the economic consequences of Brexit is a legitimate responsibility for any government, particularly when businesses continue to face additional barriers to trading with European markets.
The question facing Burnham is whether he can make the case for a closer European relationship without alienating voters who regard Brexit as an important democratic decision.
Why Burnham Has Reopened the Brexit Debate
Burnham’s position has evolved over recent months. At Labour’s conference in September, he argued that Brexit had done more harm than good and promised to examine different options for Britain’s long-term relationship with the EU.
Those options could include closer cooperation on trade, a customs union, participation in the single market or, potentially, full EU membership. However, Burnham has not announced an immediate application to rejoin the bloc, and his government is currently prioritising negotiations over more limited agreements.
At the upcoming UK-EU summit in Brussels on 20 November, the government hopes to make progress on food and agricultural standards, linking emissions-trading systems and a youth mobility arrangement. Ministers believe such measures could reduce barriers and create opportunities for businesses and younger people. <Cite refs={[“turn359679news9″,”turn359679search7”]}/>
Burnham argues that these practical steps should form part of a wider discussion about Britain’s future. In his view, refusing even to examine closer relations would limit the government’s ability to pursue economic growth and respond to changing international circumstances.
Opponents see a different danger. They fear that limited agreements could become the first stage of a gradual movement towards EU membership without a sufficiently clear public mandate.
That concern is particularly significant because the 2016 referendum was not simply a dispute about trade arrangements. Many Leave voters wanted greater national control over laws, borders and political decisions. Any proposal that appears to diminish those objectives is likely to encounter resistance.
Brexit Voters Still Matter to Labour
One of Labour’s biggest challenges is maintaining support among voters with different views about Britain’s relationship with Europe.
Some Labour constituencies voted strongly to leave the EU in 2016. MPs representing those areas may worry that a renewed debate about membership could alienate voters who supported Brexit for reasons including sovereignty, immigration and distrust of political institutions.
Reporting by The Independent on 1 October described divisions among senior government figures over Burnham’s willingness to consider reversing Brexit. Some ministers represent constituencies that voted Leave and face the possibility that a more explicitly pro-European position could create difficulties with their constituents. <Cite refs={[“turn359679search1”]}/>
For those voters, the issue is not necessarily whether trade with Europe should improve. Many may support practical cooperation while opposing the restoration of EU membership.
This distinction matters. A voter who wants fewer customs checks or more opportunities for British businesses to export does not automatically support joining the single market or accepting the wider obligations of EU membership.
Labour therefore needs to explain precisely what it is proposing. If the government intends to negotiate practical agreements while remaining outside the EU, it must communicate that distinction clearly. If it wants to make membership a long-term objective, it will need to explain how such a change would be authorised and what conditions Britain might have to accept.
Failing to distinguish between these options risks turning a debate about practical policy into another contest over national identity and democratic legitimacy.
The Conservatives Accuse Burnham of Political Misjudgment
Conservative leader Kemi Badenoch has criticised Burnham’s approach, arguing that he is reopening the Brexit question before establishing what Britain could realistically obtain from Brussels.
Badenoch has described the idea that rejoining the EU would solve Britain’s problems as simplistic. She has also argued that Burnham risks weakening Britain’s negotiating position by publicly identifying the concessions he wants before negotiations have taken place. <Cite refs={[“turn359679news9″,”turn359679search7”]}/>
Her criticism reflects two separate arguments. The first is that Britain should not assume closer integration will automatically improve economic performance. The second is that the government must negotiate from a position of clarity rather than making broad declarations about its preferred destination.
There is a counterargument. Publicly explaining the government’s objectives can help businesses understand the direction of policy and allow voters to debate the potential consequences. Burnham also argues that a willingness to consider longer-term options could strengthen the prospects of reaching an agreement with the EU.
Whether his approach improves or weakens the negotiations remains to be seen. The eventual outcome will depend on the terms offered by European partners, the priorities of member states and the compromises the British government is prepared to make.
Does Public Opinion Support Rejoining?
The public mood has changed since the 2016 referendum, but it remains more complicated than a simple division between supporters and opponents of Europe.
A survey reported by The Guardian on 3 October found that 49% of respondents supported rejoining the EU, while 28.5% opposed it. The research, conducted by the Messina Group between 12 and 24 September with 11,461 respondents, also examined support for alternative arrangements, including a customs union and closer economic cooperation without full membership. <Cite refs={[“turn359679news10”]}/>
These figures suggest that rejoining has support among a substantial section of the electorate. However, a survey conducted at a particular moment cannot establish how people would vote in a future referendum after examining the actual terms of a membership proposal.
The details would matter. Questions about the UK’s financial contribution, the free movement of people, regulatory alignment and the euro could influence public attitudes. Reuters has also reported that support for rejoining can fall when voters are asked about some of the associated financial and monetary commitments. <Cite refs={[“turn359679news9″,”turn359679news10”]}/>
For Burnham, the challenge is to distinguish general dissatisfaction with the consequences of Brexit from a clear mandate for full membership. For Brexit supporters, the challenge is to explain how Britain can address problems with trade and cooperation while preserving the independence they believe departure was intended to secure.
Neither side can safely assume that public opinion is settled in its favour.
Could Closer Ties Improve Britain’s Economy?
Supporters of Burnham’s approach argue that Brexit has created additional administrative burdens for companies trading with the EU. Customs procedures, regulatory differences and checks on certain goods can increase costs and make cross-border commerce more complicated.
Agreements that reduce those barriers could provide benefits, particularly for businesses that depend on European supply chains. Closer cooperation might also support research, energy coordination and opportunities for young people to study or work abroad.
However, the scale of any economic benefit would depend on the specific arrangements negotiated. A limited agreement on food standards would not deliver the same effects as participation in the single market, and neither would necessarily reproduce all the advantages of full EU membership.
Critics also argue that closer alignment could require Britain to follow rules over which it would have less direct influence than a member state. That concern is central to the sovereignty argument that motivated many Leave voters.
The choice is therefore not simply between economic growth and political independence. It involves assessing how different arrangements distribute benefits, obligations and decision-making powers.
Burnham’s government will need to provide evidence that its proposals offer practical gains, rather than relying on broad claims that closer relations would solve Britain’s economic difficulties.
The Risk of Reopening Old Divisions
Brexit shaped British politics for years, dividing political parties, communities and families. Although the immediate intensity of the referendum campaign has faded, disagreements over sovereignty, migration and national identity remain significant.
A renewed debate could allow voters to reconsider whether the current arrangements are working. It could also revive political grievances if people believe that politicians are trying to reverse a decision without properly consulting the public.
Burnham has said that the public would ultimately decide the country’s future relationship with Europe. That commitment is important because full re-entry would involve political and legal questions that cannot be resolved simply through a prime minister’s preference.
A transparent process would need to explain the available options, the likely terms of each arrangement and the potential consequences for the economy, migration and national policymaking.
It would also need to recognise that people can disagree about Brexit without being indifferent to Britain’s future. Some voters may favour closer economic cooperation while remaining opposed to membership; others may believe only rejoining can deliver the relationship they want.
Treating those differences seriously is essential if the debate is to move beyond accusations and slogans.
Conclusion
Andy Burnham’s renewed push for closer relations with Europe has created a fresh political challenge for Labour. His argument is that Britain must examine the long-term consequences of Brexit and consider whether a different relationship with the EU could improve economic growth, security and cooperation.
His critics argue that he risks reopening divisions, alienating Leave voters and creating expectations about membership before the government has established what Brussels would agree to offer.
The evidence suggests that public opinion has shifted towards greater openness to European integration, but support for specific arrangements remains dependent on their details. Rejoining the EU, joining a customs union and negotiating sector-specific agreements are different choices with different consequences.
The November summit will provide an early test of whether Burnham can secure practical improvements while keeping the broader debate under control. It will not, by itself, determine whether Britain should rejoin the EU.
Ultimately, the government must show that its approach is based on clear objectives, credible negotiations and respect for voters with different views. The future of Britain’s relationship with Europe should be decided through an informed public debate that weighs economic opportunities against questions of sovereignty, democratic consent and the practical obligations of each available option.
