https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=f3VUVmQFAaA

A Reform MP has sparked outrage after suggesting Royal Marines will be allowed to use “lethal force” on migrants in the Channel if Nigel Farage becomes Prime Minister.

Robert Jenrick said permitting the Navy to endanger lives would solve small boat crossings “within a matter of days”. He made the remark shortly after Mr Farage unveiled his plans to close the UK to asylum seekers – leading to criticism from religious leaders and human rights campaigners.

Lord Alf Dubs, a Labour peer who fled the Nazis as a child on the Kindertransport rescue effort, told The Mirror Mr Jenrick’s words were “horrific”.

Former Tory immigration minister Mr Jenrick, Reform’s pick to be Chancellor if Mr Farage gets into No10, told Talk TV: “What we are going to do, and we’re the only political party that has the courage to say this, is deploy the Royal Marines into the Channel. If they need to use lethal force, then they’ll be able to do so.

“That’s obviously not what we want to see happen. We want to see these individuals picked up off the boats in a sensible and reasonable way, and taken straight back to France.

“But I think the problem would come to an end very, very quickly, within a matter of days.”

Lord Dubs said: “It’s against international law to endanger lives at sea, all these things are horrific.” And he continued: “I think this goes against all our traditions, whatever Farage thinks about these people, they’re people who are fleeing for their safety in this country.”

He said: “The idea of using force in this country and endangering their lives is totally, totally wrong.”

Labour chair Bridget Phillipson said: “Robert Jenrick’s proposal to use ‘lethal force’ against asylum seekers in the English Channel is disgusting and illegal. Our armed forces are not going to start opening fire on unarmed civilians, and Reform are dragging their own reputations and credibility into the gutter by suggesting it.

“The truth is that Nigel Farage is authorising ever more extreme positions in order to distract from his own funding scandals and as part of an increasingly vicious bidding war with other parties on the right. Decent people will see right through it and reject this toxic politics of division.”

Hardliner Mr Jenrick – who was a Home Office minister under Rishi Sunak – previously provoked outrage after it emerged he ordered murals of Mickey Mouse and Tom and Jerry were removed at a Dover asylum centre to make it less welcoming to children.

Announcing his latest draconian policy, Mr Farage declared: “We cannot accept more asylum seekers while we still have no idea how many people are in the country illegally and the threat they pose.”

He announced at a press conference in Dover that under Reform all pending asylum cases would be rejected, with applicants then liable for deportation. He would also review the status of anyone who granted asylum since 2024 – with those from countries deemed safe losing their permission to remain in the UK.

And Mr Farage said all legal resettlement routes would also be abolished – except for those set up for Ukrainians in 2022.

Lord Dubs, who was six when he arrived in the UK from Nazi-occupied Czechoslovakia, said Britain had led the way in protecting refugees, said it was depressing that a mainstream party is now talking about closing the asylum system.

He said: “I think it’s very depressing that we’ve suddenly taken a step back. We took the lead in setting up the European Court of Human Rights and the Geneva convention, this is part of our British tradition, we believe that people should have a route to safety.

“I’m not saying we should take everybody, but we should play our part and not opt out of it.”

And he added: “I think Farage is trying to make himself look like Trump.” Lord Dubs stated: “Most people do want action taken about the boats, but not the way Farage is suggesting, we should look at it internationally.”

Reform has previously said that it plans to lead the country according to Judeo Christian values – but has come in for heavy criticism from religious leaders.

Rabbi David Mason, executive director at charity HIAS+JCORE told The Mirror: “Jewish values compel us to show solidarity and compassion to people who need this country’s protection. Closing the UK’s asylum system and refugee resettlement schemes would deny sanctuary to people fleeing war, persecution, and torture. There’s nothing fair or responsible about that.

“The context is very different today, but our community understands all too well what it means to be denied safety. We’re proud that Jewish communities across the country draw on our history and put values into action by showing welcome today. Any UK government should support and encourage that work, not make it harder.”

Louise Calvey, executive director of Asylum Matters, said: “This meaningless clickbait is nothing new: it’s the same lazy policy making that has already left our asylum system broken. The last Conservative Government banned asylum applications and look what it led to: a soaring asylum backlog, people trapped in limbo in crumbling converted hotels, and record-breaking irregular migration.

“Instead of another shambles in the making, it’s perfectly possible to build an asylum system that works better for all of us, with safe routes, working rights and real support to let people rebuild their lives here in the UK – sadly, some politicians would rather ignore the evidence and keep recycling the same failed ideas.”

Natasha Tsangarides, associate director of advocacy at Freedom from Torture, said: “Reform UK’s proposal to suspend the asylum system for up to five years and mark everyone seeking sanctuary for deportation could risk sending people who have survived torture back into the hands of those who harmed them.

“The right to seek asylum exists because people sometimes have no choice but to flee their homes to escape danger. It cannot simply be discarded for political convenience.

“Blaming refugees and stripping away the safeguards that protect them is an age-old tool of authoritarianism.” And Jon Featonby, from the Refugee Council, said: “These unworkable proposals would see us abandon our proud tradition of offering safety to victims of war, which our ancestors established in response to the horrors of World War Two.

“In our frontline services, we see how Britain’s asylum system has protected people who have escaped brutal violence in countries like Sudan, or fled repression under regimes like the Taliban. Over the last seventy five years, our asylum system has been the difference between life and death for thousands of refugees, allowing them to rebuild their lives in safety and go on to play a part in Britain.

“Closing our asylum system would cause chaos. Desperate people would still arrive on our shores, but instead of entering an orderly system, they would be driven underground and vulnerable to exploitation and abuse.”

Lib Dem MP Max Wilkinson, the party’s home affairs spokesman, said: “Farage’s asylum plans are borrowed straight from the Trump playbook. Slap countries with tariffs and visa bans, whilst turning away children who are fleeing war torn countries.

“They push for Brexit 2.0 as if the first Brexit was a success to build on, but we all know it was a disaster. The UK can only restore order, control and fairness by joining the EU migration and asylum pact.”

Outrage as Reform’s Robert Jenrick Says Royal Navy Should Be Allowed to Use ‘Lethal Force’ Against Migrants

Reform UK has sparked a fierce political backlash after Robert Jenrick suggested that a future government led by Nigel Farage should allow Royal Marines operating in the English Channel to use “lethal force” if necessary to stop migrant boats. The remarks have intensified Britain’s immigration debate, prompting condemnation from government ministers and raising serious questions about the legal, practical and humanitarian consequences of deploying the military to intercept small boats.

Jenrick, Reform’s Treasury spokesperson, argued that the party would send the Royal Marines into the Channel to intercept boats and return their occupants to France. He suggested that permitting lethal force would bring the crossings to an end within days, although he stressed that this was not the outcome the party wanted.

The comments immediately attracted criticism because they appeared to introduce the possibility of deadly force into an operation involving people travelling in often overcrowded and unsafe inflatable vessels.

Farage subsequently sought to clarify his party’s position, insisting that Jenrick’s remarks had been misconstrued. He said military personnel would be entitled to defend themselves if they were fired upon, rather than suggesting that troops should routinely shoot at migrant boats.

That distinction is important, but it has not ended the controversy. The exchange has exposed the challenge Reform would face in translating its promises of tougher border enforcement into a workable policy that complies with the law and protects human life.

Jenrick’s remarks trigger an immediate backlash

Jenrick made the comments while discussing Reform’s proposed approach to the small-boat crossings. His plan would involve deploying Royal Marines to intercept vessels and return people to France, with the stated aim of preventing unauthorised arrivals on British shores.

He presented the proposal as evidence that Reform was prepared to take a tougher approach than previous governments. In his view, a credible threat of force could deter smugglers and persuade those organising crossings that attempting to reach Britain would no longer be worthwhile.

However, the phrase “lethal force” overshadowed the wider proposal.

The Channel is one of the world’s busiest shipping routes, and small migrant boats may carry dozens of passengers, including children and vulnerable people. An interception can involve difficult sea conditions, limited visibility, unstable vessels and passengers who may be frightened or unable to understand instructions.

Any suggestion that military personnel could use deadly force in such circumstances inevitably raises questions about when that force would be permitted, who would authorise it and how the safety of those aboard would be protected.

Jenrick said the preferred approach would be to collect people from the boats in a sensible and reasonable manner and take them back to France. Yet his reference to lethal force left critics demanding a more precise explanation of how the proposed operation would function.

Farage attempts to clarify the policy

Farage moved to distance himself from the interpretation that Reform intended to authorise routine shooting at migrant vessels.

Speaking after the controversy erupted, the Reform leader said Jenrick’s comments had been misunderstood. He argued that anyone wearing British military uniform who came under fire would have the right to respond.

Farage also described the people-smuggling networks involved in Channel crossings as serious criminal organisations. He maintained that a Reform government would intercept boats and return their occupants to France, predicting that the crossings would stop within two weeks of the policy being implemented.

The clarification was significant because it narrowed the circumstances in which Farage suggested force might be used. Responding to an imminent threat to life is fundamentally different from using deadly force simply to prevent someone from entering the country.

Nevertheless, questions remain about the practical details. How would British forces distinguish between an aggressive smuggler and passengers with no control over the vessel? What would happen if a boat refused to turn around? How would the authorities respond if an interception placed passengers in immediate danger?

Farage’s comments provide a broad explanation of his position, but they do not amount to a complete set of operational rules.

A government proposing such a major change would need to explain those rules clearly before any operation began.

Defence minister condemns the proposal

Defence Minister Luke Pollard strongly criticised Jenrick’s remarks, describing the suggestion as “disgusting and illegal” and arguing that it was incompatible with British military values.

Pollard stressed that members of the armed forces are not permitted to obey unlawful orders. He also rejected the idea that the military should open fire on unarmed civilians as a means of enforcing immigration policy.

His intervention reflects a fundamental principle: political leaders cannot simply grant the armed forces unrestricted authority to use deadly force against people who are attempting to enter the country.

The circumstances in which force may lawfully be used depend on the applicable law and the immediate situation. Self-defence and the protection of another person’s life may justify necessary and proportionate force in exceptional circumstances. Immigration status alone does not provide a justification for killing someone.

Pollard also accused Reform of using provocative language to draw attention away from other controversies surrounding the party. Reform rejected the wider criticism of its approach, presenting its proposals as a response to what it regards as a failure to control the borders.

The exchange has consequently become a political battle over both immigration enforcement and the standards expected of those who propose using military power.

Andy Burnham challenges Reform’s approach

Prime Minister Andy Burnham also criticised Jenrick’s intervention in Parliament.

Burnham argued that the proposal was not a serious solution to the problem and pointed to the decline in recorded small-boat arrivals compared with the same period in the previous year.

His response also highlighted Jenrick’s previous role as immigration minister under the Conservatives. Burnham used that record to question why Reform now presented military deployment as the answer to a problem that had persisted during Jenrick’s time in government.

Reform’s supporters argue that a more determined approach is necessary because crossings continue despite existing enforcement measures. They maintain that the government must do more to disrupt smuggling networks and deter people from making dangerous journeys.

The government, meanwhile, argues that enforcement must be effective as well as lawful. A dramatic proposal may attract attention, but its value ultimately depends on whether it can be implemented safely, legally and with the cooperation required from France.

The argument therefore extends beyond political language. It concerns whether military interception could achieve the intended result and what consequences might follow if the plan failed.

Can Britain legally return migrant boats to France?

One of the biggest obstacles to Reform’s proposal is the legal and diplomatic framework governing maritime interceptions.

Britain cannot simply assume that it may transfer people to French territory whenever a British vessel encounters a small boat in the Channel. Any return arrangement would need an appropriate legal basis, operational procedures and cooperation with the French authorities.

The safety of passengers would also be central. If a boat is overcrowded, unstable or in distress, an operation designed to turn it around could increase the risk of capsizing or drowning.

The authorities would need to consider the condition of the vessel, the weather, the availability of rescue support and the circumstances of the people aboard. A policy that fails to account for these factors could expose both migrants and military personnel to serious danger.

There is also the question of asylum. People arriving irregularly may have different legal circumstances, and some may be seeking protection from persecution or serious harm. Any system for processing or returning them would have to address the relevant legal obligations rather than assume that every passenger could automatically be sent back.

Reform would therefore need to explain how its proposed returns would work in practice, what agreement it would seek from France and how it would meet its domestic and international legal responsibilities.

Would the threat of force stop the crossings?

Reform believes that a credible policy of interception and return could deter people from attempting the journey. Farage has argued that once migrants and smugglers understood that boats would be returned, the incentive to cross the Channel would disappear.

But predicting that crossings would stop within days is a political claim, not a guaranteed outcome.

People-smuggling networks can adapt to enforcement measures by changing routes, tactics and departure points. Some people may continue attempting dangerous journeys despite the risks, particularly if they believe they have no safe alternative.

A successful policy would need to address the networks arranging the journeys, the financial incentives behind the trade and the practical circumstances that lead people to attempt the crossing.

It would also need reliable arrangements for handling those intercepted at sea. Without an agreed destination and a lawful process, turning boats around could prove more complicated than the political promise suggests.

None of this means enforcement cannot play a role in reducing crossings. It means that the effectiveness of Reform’s plan must be assessed through operational detail and measurable results rather than the strength of its rhetoric.

The humanitarian consequences cannot be ignored

The Channel crossings are dangerous. Overcrowded boats, poor equipment and unpredictable weather can place passengers at serious risk, and people-smuggling networks have a financial incentive to transport as many people as possible in unsafe conditions.

Supporters of tougher enforcement argue that preventing departures could save lives by discouraging these journeys.

However, using military force also creates risks. A confrontation at sea could cause panic, destabilise a vessel or leave passengers in immediate danger. Any interception plan would need clear rescue procedures and safeguards for children and other vulnerable people.

The debate should not be reduced to a choice between allowing crossings to continue and permitting troops to use deadly force. Governments have other tools, including intelligence-led action against smuggling networks, cooperation with France, surveillance, safe interception procedures and effective asylum processing.

The question is whether Reform can demonstrate that its proposal would be more effective than existing approaches without creating unacceptable dangers or legal problems.

A test of Reform’s readiness for government

The controversy has placed Jenrick and Farage under pressure to explain how their proposed policy would operate beyond the headline promise.

Jenrick’s remarks suggested that lethal force could be used if necessary. Farage later emphasised self-defence and denied that he intended to authorise routine force against migrants.

That clarification matters, but a serious policy requires more than a distinction between routine enforcement and self-defence. It needs clear instructions for commanders, appropriate oversight, lawful procedures for returning people and a plan for situations in which an interception becomes dangerous.

The debate also raises a wider question about political responsibility. Leaders who advocate using the armed forces for domestic enforcement must explain the limits of their proposed powers and the safeguards that would protect both the public and those carrying out the operation.

Reform argues that Britain needs a decisive change in its approach to immigration. Its critics contend that the lethal-force remarks demonstrate the dangers of presenting a complex issue as a problem that can be solved through confrontation alone.

Voters can assess those competing arguments by examining the details of the proposals, the legal constraints and the evidence about what different enforcement measures can achieve.

The real question is what happens next

Jenrick’s comments have transformed a debate about border control into a confrontation over the use of military power against civilians.

Farage has attempted to clarify that lethal force would not be used routinely and that his reference was to personnel defending themselves if attacked. Pollard and other government figures have condemned the original remarks, while Burnham has challenged Reform to explain how the policy would work in practice.

The central questions remain unresolved: what would trigger the use of force, how would people be returned safely, what agreement would be reached with France and how would the operation comply with the law?

Britain has a legitimate interest in reducing dangerous Channel crossings and disrupting the criminal networks that exploit migrants. But any government must pursue that objective within a framework that protects life and provides clear accountability for decisions made at sea.

Reform’s proposal should therefore be judged not simply by its promise to stop the boats, but by whether it can deliver a lawful and workable system.

The controversy has shown that the language of “lethal force” carries consequences far beyond a political interview. If Reform wants the public to take its plan seriously, it must now provide the operational detail, legal justification and safeguards needed to demonstrate how it would work.

Until those questions are answered, the proposal will remain a source of intense political dispute — and a test of whether a promise of tougher enforcement can be translated into responsible government.

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