“I’m angry, I’m mad, and I’m frustrated,” vented one protester named Julie, tightly gripping a Union Jack flag.

This sentiment was echoed in Bolton just a few days prior, when several councillors alleged that housing for veterans was being vacated to accommodate asylum seekers.

According to YouGov polls, it’s now the most pressing issue facing the UK, which is why politicians are under pressure to present their strategies for reducing net migration.

This comes after fresh Home Office data released last week showed asylum seekers housed in hotels have increased by eight per cent under Labour, bringing the total to 32,059 by the end of June – a 57 per cent drop from the Tory peak in September 2023. Nine asylum hotels remain across Greater Manchester after closures in Manchester, Rochdale and Wigan.

Reform’s ‘operation restoring justice’ would demand the UK withdraw from the European Convention on Human Rights; amend the UK Human Rights Act; negotiate agreements with countries where most migrants currently originate, such as Afghanistan; and establish ‘removal centres’ in remote British locations to enable five deportation flights daily.

These represent substantial obstacles for the policy becoming reality, though the primary barrier remains Reform securing the next election and Nigel Farage becoming Prime Minister.

Following Reform’s announcement propelling the party to an eight-point polling advantage on Wednesday, the Manchester Evening News questioned 64 voters throughout the city about their views on the proposals.

“If you say that it’s ‘you’re either with us or against us'”.

The weather is blustery and the streets are bustling in Bury. The ‘world famous’ market has drawn coach-loads of shoppers by the dozen, undaunted by the predicted downpours.

Seated on a bench opposite the Millgate shopping centre, away from the commotion, is Sandra, a retired psychiatric nurse. “It’s headline-grabbing,” she grins when questioned about her thoughts on Reform’s announcement.

Then, she hesitates.

Following a moment’s consideration, she continues: “In principle, it will be hard to get it off the ground.

“I think immigration has become too convenient [for migrants].

“To a certain extent it has become a scapegoat [for other problems], but it’s not fitting the remit when it was created in 1945, when there were post war refugees – if they are coming from France, which is not a dangerous country, that’s quite the issue.”

In the end, Sandra, 67, revealed she wouldn’t back Mr Farage in an election, though she acknowledged Labour needed to take greater action.

Her perspective was echoed by Bradley Hornby, 24, a council worker.

During his lunch break near the Cenotaph, he described himself as ‘centre-right’ and declared ‘we need to do something about a bit of immigration’, whilst branding Mr Farage ‘not the right person’.

He elaborated: “One of my issues with Nigel is it’s all just about immigration. I do not like his climate change policy.

“But if you say that it’s ‘you’re either with us or against us’,” he continued, highlighting how charged the immigration discussion has become.

“This country is very divided. There’s so much frustration because things are not getting better.

“I think Nigel Farage is excellent because he’s put the cat among the pigeons” The division over immigration is not a new phenomenon, but the number of people expressing concern about it has reached levels last seen ten years ago. This led to the then-Prime Minister calling for a referendum on Britain’s EU membership, resulting in the monumental shock of Brexit.

Some are predicting a similar upheaval in British politics with the potential election of a Reform government.

Shirley Blakeman, 76, from Sale, is one such believer. She stated: “I think Nigel Farage is excellent because he’s put the cat among the pigeons. He’s got the other parties listening, whether he means it or not. But I think he’s definitely right.

“Lots of people are against illegal immigration. There’s no point in arresting them. They should be sent back as soon as possible. I’m very angry about this.”

Meanwhile, in Manchester city centre, Sue Hall, 72, was out shopping with her sister. Visiting from Shaw, she expressed her support for Mr Farage: “I love him,” she said as soon as his name came up.

“I should have voted for him last time. Next time I definitely will.

“I just think now we have everybody coming in. We have always been Labour. My husband used to be a member but even he has gone for Nigel.”

However, not everyone agrees entirely with Farage’s views. Sharon, 51, from Atherton, commented: “I found what he said to be really powerful, but I don’t agree with everything he says.

“We’ve taken in a lot of refugees, so I think he’s nailed it. I also think there’s a lot of unrest everywhere about the situation. I don’t think these protests are going to stay peaceful for very long. If there are criminals coming over here, I agree they shouldn’t be walking our streets.

“He makes very explosive headlines, but I don’t know if I’d vote for him”.

However, backing immigration reform doesn’t necessarily translate into support for Mr Farage.

Before Jacqui, a sprightly octogenarian from Farnworth, dashed off to catch the 513 bus, she claimed to be politically uninformed.

Almost immediately, she contradicted herself by remarking: “He makes for very explosive headlines, doesn’t he, Farage? Whether he would actually do what he says is hard to say.

“Immigration is terrible around here. It’s changed the town of Farnworth so much.

“What he’s saying – I think other politicians must have thought of it before him, but they didn’t say it out loud. I certainly think he’s going to be a candidate at the next election. I think there’s a lot of support for him around here.

“But I don’t know if I’d vote for him. As an old lady, I read all the national news and it’s hard to see what’s going on in the world. All the starving children, the conflict in Palestine, and I’m sure that’s not the only place.

“It sometimes makes me think it’s just because they want what we have – because we have it pretty good here, really.”

Tameside resident Norma Hadfield is calling for stricter migration controls, but she doesn’t ‘trust’ the Reform leader.

“I don’t think we should let them in,” the 79 year old voiced her opinion at the Arcades shopping centre in Ashton-under-Lyne.

“They’re getting in hotels when we’ve got all these homeless people who don’t have any help.

“There isn’t much work for young people currently either. They’re coming over and adding to that problem.

“When they’re coming over on these small boats, they’re risking their lives and children’s lives for very little benefit.

“With Farage, I think it’s possible what he says, but I wouldn’t trust him to do it. They all say what they’re going to do to these politicians, but never actually do anything.”

Eccles resident Gordon Johnston echoed Norma’s concerns, stating ‘there are a lot of people coming over and we don’t know their backgrounds or what they are getting away from’.

He believes deporting 600,000 isn’t feasible, but suggested ‘boats [sailing] up and down the Channel stopping them coming’.

Despite his political leanings suggesting he would back Reform, he ‘doesn’t support’ Mr Farage. He added: “I do have a lot of sympathy for them, they’ve come a long way, but they have gone through safe places, I don’t understand why they need to come here. I think Nigel Farage has a good chance of becoming prime minister, but I don’t support him.”

In Rochdale, Rodney Sellars expressed that he thought Mr Farage has some good policies, but questioned if he could deliver them.

“For those immigrants that come over and have family here, that’s okay, but the others should be sent back,” the 81 year old retired carpenter said. “I’m not a fan of them being cooped up in hotels either.

“I think the gangs who are organising the small boats crossing the Channel are the problem. That should be addressed properly.

“I don’t know if Farage would get in power. The Conservatives and Labour said they will deal with this immigration issue but they haven’t – why would Farage be any different.

“The jails are getting full, housing is an issue and healthcare is at capacity. This all needs to be looked at separately, it’s not all down to immigration.

“Whether Farage can sort this I don’t know.

“Everyone seems to be blaming the government for things when they’ve been in power a year”.

Yet there are those who despise the Reform chief. Vicky, 50, from Oldham, is amongst them.

“It’s my responsibility to assist people. I work alongside numerous asylum seekers, refugees, and displaced workers,” she revealed during her cigarette break.

“We support them with matters such as accommodation, clothing, food, training them up and getting them into employment. I engage with these individuals daily. They’re respectable people who simply want somewhere safe to call home. Everyone deserves that right.

“So what will [Reform] do, deport women and children back to nations controlled by the Taliban, where they possess no rights, and cannot hold jobs?” Vicky, who acknowledges the issue of illegal immigration, questions the popularity of Nigel Farage.

“I don’t think there’s as much support for Farage and his policies as people say,” she continues. “It’s mostly the older generation, who aren’t exactly racist but are more susceptible to misinformation.

“And I can understand it from both sides. We’re all taxpayers, it’s true our money is paying for these hotels. But I think we need to be getting angry at the government, not at people.

“Farage talks about these deportations – where’s the money to pay for that? We have been hearing the same rubbish for 15 years.”

Lucy Davies, a 44 year old office worker from Stockport, also fails to see the appeal of the Clacton MP: “I have no understanding how Nigel Farage has managed to bounce back after Brexit.

“I think he wants popularity and likes to stir up trouble, but he doesn’t actually care about people. I think he’s saying he wants to deport people to try to win votes.

Svitlana Cherniak, a Ukrainian refugee, was a yoga and music teacher in her home country before she moved to Manchester when Russia invaded the country in 2022. Now, the 58 year old is a perfume sales ambassador in town.

She declared: “His politics are not good. It’s a step back not a step forward”.

“The UK welcomed me and my son when the war began – this guy does not represent British values.

“We need to be stronger. I think his ideas are only temporary.”

Manchester Residents Give Their View on Nigel Farage’s Plan to Deport 600,000 Migrants

Nigel Farage’s immigration proposals have placed Reform UK at the centre of another major political debate, with his plan for large-scale deportations prompting strong reactions across Britain. In Manchester, a city with a long history of immigration and diverse communities, the issue has particular significance.

Farage has argued that Britain’s immigration system needs a fundamental overhaul. In August 2025, he said a Reform government could seek to deport around 500,000 to 600,000 people during its first parliamentary term. The proposal formed part of a wider plan involving a dedicated deportation command, expanded detention capacity and changes to the rules governing people without a legal right to remain in the UK.

The scale of the proposal has inevitably raised questions about how such a policy would affect communities across the country.

For people in Manchester, reactions to the plan are unlikely to be identical. Some residents may see tougher enforcement as necessary, particularly where they believe illegal immigration has placed pressure on public services or undermined confidence in the border system. Others may be concerned about the practical, legal and humanitarian consequences of attempting to remove such a large number of people.

That difference of opinion reflects the wider national debate.

One of the strongest arguments made by supporters of Farage’s approach is that immigration rules must mean something. From this perspective, if an individual has no legal right to remain in Britain, the government should have an effective system for enforcing removal decisions.

Reform has presented its proposed deportation system as an attempt to create precisely that capacity. The party has proposed a dedicated UK Deportation Command and significantly expanded detention facilities, with the stated intention of increasing the number of removals substantially. In 2026, Reform also published further proposals describing illegal Channel crossings as a national emergency and calling for stronger action at the border.

For some Manchester residents, this argument may resonate because immigration has become closely connected to wider concerns about housing, public services and government competence.

Manchester has experienced significant demographic and economic change over many years. The city is internationally connected and attracts students, workers, businesses and families from around the world. Migration has therefore been part of the city’s modern identity as well as a subject of political disagreement.

Supporters of immigration often point to its contribution to the workforce, universities, businesses and cultural life. Critics may instead focus on the ability of local authorities and public services to accommodate population growth.

These perspectives can exist simultaneously.

A person may recognise the economic contribution made by migrants while also believing that the government should control immigration more effectively. Another resident may believe that the economic and cultural benefits of migration outweigh the pressures associated with population growth.

The political question is how those competing considerations should influence government policy.

Farage’s proposal goes considerably further than simply reducing future immigration. The plan announced in 2025 raised questions about people who were already living in Britain and potentially about individuals who had established homes, employment and family connections in the country.

Farage himself acknowledged that implementing the policy would be complicated. He referred to questions surrounding how far back the proposed removals would apply and what would happen to children and people with longstanding connections to Britain.

Those details are crucial because a headline figure such as 600,000 does not describe a single, uniform group.

People subject to immigration enforcement can have very different circumstances. Some may have entered the UK recently without permission. Others may have lived in Britain for years. Some cases can involve families, children or individuals with complicated legal histories.

That makes the practical implementation of mass deportation considerably more complicated than the headline number might suggest.

There are also legal questions.

Any government seeking to carry out removals on this scale would have to operate within Britain’s legal framework and its international obligations. Questions could arise about appeals, family life, protection claims and whether particular individuals could safely be returned to their countries of origin.

These issues have already featured prominently in criticism of Reform’s proposals.

When Farage announced the mass-deportation plan, opponents argued that it could create serious human-rights concerns. Reform, however, has maintained that Britain needs much stronger enforcement of immigration law and has argued that the existing system has failed to provide adequate control.

For Manchester residents, the discussion therefore extends beyond whether immigration should be higher or lower.

It also concerns what kind of immigration system Britain should operate.

Should the government prioritise strict enforcement and rapid removals? Should resources instead focus primarily on processing asylum claims more quickly? Should legal migration routes be reduced, expanded or redesigned? How should Britain respond when countries refuse to accept people being removed?

Each question involves different trade-offs.

Farage’s supporters are likely to argue that previous governments have spent years making promises without solving the underlying problem. Reform’s position is that Britain requires a much more forceful approach.

Critics argue that the proposed scale of deportations raises practical and legal problems and could affect people who have developed deep connections to Britain.

The debate also raises a broader question about the meaning of public opinion.

When politicians discuss immigration, they often refer to voters’ concerns. But there is no single “public view”. Different communities and individuals can have very different experiences of migration.

A Manchester resident who works in a hospital may have a different perspective from someone struggling to find affordable housing. A business owner facing staff shortages may see migration differently from a worker worried about competition for employment.

The same city can therefore contain several competing experiences of immigration.

This is particularly relevant in Manchester, where international migration has played a visible role in the city’s social and economic development.

The political argument should therefore distinguish between illegal immigration, asylum, refugee resettlement and legal migration.

These categories are often combined in political debate even though they involve different rules and different circumstances.

Farage’s proposals have primarily focused on people whom Reform argues should not have the right to remain in Britain, but the broader political debate also includes legal migration and the conditions under which foreign nationals can work and settle in the UK.

In 2026, Reform has continued to press for tighter immigration measures. Its proposals have included restrictions affecting foreign nationals’ access to social housing and changes to immigration status, demonstrating that its immigration agenda extends beyond Channel crossings alone.

For Labour, the issue presents its own challenge.

The government has sought to demonstrate that it can reduce irregular migration while maintaining an immigration system that supports Britain’s economic needs. At the Labour Party Conference in September 2026, Home Secretary Shabana Mahmood outlined further changes concerning permanent residency for foreign workers while also announcing a new refugee resettlement route for Afghan women and Palestinians.

This illustrates how complicated the political debate has become.

The choice is not simply between “open borders” and mass deportations. There are numerous possible approaches involving legal migration, asylum processing, border enforcement, integration, employment and international agreements.

For Manchester residents considering Farage’s proposal, the central questions are therefore likely to be practical.

Would a programme of this scale be legally workable?

How much would it cost?

How quickly could the necessary detention and removal infrastructure be created?

What would happen to families with mixed immigration statuses?

How would Britain secure agreements with countries that are reluctant to accept returnees?

And what effect would the policy have on local communities?

Supporters of Reform may answer that these difficulties are precisely why Britain needs a new system rather than continuing with what they see as ineffective arrangements.

Opponents may argue that the scale of the proposal makes implementation extraordinarily difficult and risks creating serious consequences for families and communities.

The debate is unlikely to disappear soon.

Immigration remains one of the most politically significant issues in Britain, and Reform has made it one of the central themes of its political identity. Farage’s approach has ensured that the party’s proposals receive considerable attention, while also generating strong criticism from opponents and rights organisations.

In Manchester, the conversation is especially revealing because the city represents many of the competing realities involved.

It is a place where international migration is visible in everyday life, but it is also a place where residents experience pressures involving housing, public services, employment and the cost of living.

Those pressures cannot automatically be attributed to migration alone, just as the benefits associated with migration cannot be separated from wider economic and social factors.

Ultimately, Manchester residents will judge Farage’s proposal according to their own priorities and understanding of the evidence.

Some may regard tougher enforcement as necessary to restore confidence in the immigration system. Others may consider a programme involving hundreds of thousands of removals too disruptive, legally complicated or costly.

The important point is that the figure of 600,000 represents a proposed political objective, not an established outcome. Whether such a programme could actually be implemented would depend on legislation, legal challenges, administrative capacity, international cooperation and future electoral decisions.

Farage has placed the proposal firmly on the political agenda.

Now the debate moves beyond the headline number. The questions facing voters are about how Britain’s immigration system should work, who should have the right to remain, how decisions should be enforced and what consequences different policies would have for communities.

In Manchester, as elsewhere, those questions are likely to produce a wide range of answers.

And that is precisely why the debate over Farage’s 600,000 deportation proposal is becoming one of the most consequential arguments in Britain’s evolving immigration politics.

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