Like every leader, Andy Burnham’s at the mercy of events and the machinations of his rivals. He may be top dog in the Labour Party, and likely to remain so for as long as he can maintain his early bounce. But he can see threats all around him, and not all of them are in Westminster. In fact, the biggest isn’t in Parliament at all. Despite that, Burnham is increasingly dancing to his tune, even rewriting government policy in a bid to see him off.

Conservative leader Kemi Badenoch is a worry, as she bosses the Commons with her impressive performances at Prime Minister’s Questions (PMQs), but voters still haven’t forgiven the Tories for 14 years of failure. Burnham has half an eye on Reform UK, even though the donations controversy has taken some of the wind out of Nigel Farage’s sails. But by far his biggest challenge comes from a man that much of the country has written off as weird and dangerous, but who is never far from Burnham’s mind: Green Party leader Zack Polanski.

Right now, the Greens have created a home-from-home for disgruntled left-wing activists, posing a serious threat to Burnham’s chances of going to the country and winning an election. As a result, it feels like almost every policy decision is being made with Polanski in mind.

The Greens are a clear and present danger because on October 8, Polanski will contest the Holborn and St Pancras by-election, triggered by former Labour leader Sir Keir Starmer standing down as an MP. This is Polanski’s chance to get into Parliament.

Labour is still odds-on to win the seat, but the Greens have seen a surge in support from punters. Burnham isn’t taking any chances, even if it means bending government policy to suit party political purposes. Which shows that despite his grand talk of uniting the country around a “common purpose and positivity”, he’s prepared to get down and dirty when it matters.

This explains why Foreign Secretary Ed Miliband made a big deal of announcing sanctions against Israeli settlements in the West Bank. Under Starmer, Labour lost much of its traditional Muslim vote, because he wasn’t seen as being tough enough on Israel. Burnham wants it back. Even if it means winning praise from Hamas and slapping a regional ally in the face, one whose intelligence agencies have helped stop Islamist attacks in this country.

Labour also risked riling US President Donald Trump, while prominent Republicans have threatened retaliatory measures against Britain. That’s a chance Burnham is willing to take if it helps bring Muslim voters back into the Labour fold. Polanski helped drive that decision too.

And that’s just for starters. It was widely assumed that Burnham would give the go-ahead for North Sea drilling, by approving the Jackdaw gas field and potentially allowing the Rosebank oil to proceed. Miliband was dragging his feet, despite growing fury from the unions, but Burnham was supposed to be taking a more “pragmatic” approach.

The sooner he greenlights Jackdaw the better. That way, home-produced gas could eventually flow into British homes this winter, helping to strengthen domestic energy security as a winter crisis looms. But that would enrage eco-activists after the sweltering summer we’ve just had, and be a gift to the Greens. The assumption is that Burnham will still do it, but only after the by-election is safely in the bag. Again, Polanski appears to be influencing the timing of policy.

Burnham is now terrified of doing anything that may gift votes to the Greens. That may also explain why Chancellor John Healey has deferred setting a date for reaching 3% of GDP on defence until next year, despite the growing threat from Vladimir Putin and the widening war in Iran. It may also explain the PM’s astonishing claim during PMQs on September 9 that “national security can’t come at the expense of social security”. There’s no question which is the priority for the left.

So is Burnham governing for Britain, or fighting to save Labour from the Greens? The answer seems pretty clear. Even if Zack Polanski doesn’t make it into Parliament next month, he’s still driving government policy from the sidelines. And if Burnham goes for a snap election, as many now suspect, he will keep bending the knee to Polanski to grab as much of the Green vote as he possibly can. And to hell with the national interest.

Meet the Man Who Terrifies Andy Burnham – and Is Really Running the UK Today

Andy Burnham’s return to Westminster and rapid rise to Downing Street have transformed Britain’s political landscape. But according to a highly critical analysis published this week, the biggest political pressure facing the new prime minister may not be coming from the Conservative Party or Reform UK.

Instead, attention has turned to Zack Polanski, the leader of the Green Party.

The claim that Polanski is “really running the UK” is an interpretation rather than an established fact. However, his growing prominence on the British left has created a new political challenge for Labour, particularly as the party attempts to hold together voters with very different priorities.

Burnham became prime minister on 20 July 2026 after returning to Parliament as the MP for Makerfield and subsequently winning the Labour leadership. The government says the prime minister is ultimately responsible for government policy and decisions.

Yet the political argument surrounding Polanski reflects a wider question: how much influence can a smaller party exert when a governing party fears losing support on its left?

Who is Zack Polanski?

Zack Polanski has emerged as one of the most prominent figures in Britain’s Green Party.

His importance has grown as the Greens have attempted to establish themselves as a political home for voters dissatisfied with Labour’s direction.

The argument made in the latest analysis is that Polanski represents a particular challenge for Burnham because the threat does not come from the traditional Conservative opposition.

Instead, it comes from voters who might otherwise support Labour but could move to the Greens if they believe the government has become too moderate.

That creates a different type of pressure.

A Conservative challenge can be met through policies aimed at the political centre or right. A Reform challenge can involve issues such as immigration, taxation and national identity.

The Green challenge is different: it places pressure on Labour over environmental policy, welfare, public services, foreign policy and the government’s relationship with progressive voters.

The Holborn and St Pancras by-election

One of the immediate reasons for the attention surrounding Polanski is the upcoming Holborn and St Pancras by-election.

The contest was triggered by Keir Starmer’s departure from Parliament. According to the analysis published this week, Polanski is seeking to use the contest as an opportunity to establish a Green presence in Westminster.

That makes the election politically significant beyond the individual constituency.

A strong Green performance would provide evidence that the party can challenge Labour in areas where progressive voters are concentrated.

For Burnham, the concern would not necessarily be losing the seat itself. The wider issue would be whether Labour’s support is being divided among parties competing for similar sections of the electorate.

That is particularly relevant if the prime minister is considering the timing of a future general election.

Foreign policy and the Labour left

The analysis also links the pressure from the Greens to Labour’s approach to the Middle East.

Foreign Secretary Ed Miliband has announced sanctions relating to Israeli settlements in the West Bank. The government’s position has been controversial, particularly given Britain’s wider diplomatic relationship with Israel and the reaction from the United States.

The political calculation surrounding such decisions is contested.

The analysis argues that Labour needs to rebuild support among Muslim voters who became less supportive of the party under its previous leadership.

But the decision can also be understood through the government’s stated foreign-policy objectives and its position on international law.

It is therefore difficult to establish that any individual policy was adopted simply because of pressure from Polanski.

What is clear is that Labour faces competing pressures: maintaining relationships with international allies, responding to developments in the Middle East and retaining support among different groups of British voters.

The North Sea dilemma

Energy policy presents another example of the tensions facing the government.

The future of North Sea oil and gas has become a major political issue, particularly because Britain faces competing demands for energy security, economic investment and climate policy.

The latest commentary focuses on the Jackdaw gas field and the possibility of progress on the Rosebank oil development.

The argument is that approving additional domestic production could strengthen energy security but could also create political difficulties with environmental campaigners.

For the Greens, continued fossil-fuel development conflicts with their long-standing emphasis on accelerating the transition away from hydrocarbons.

For Labour, the challenge is balancing climate commitments with concerns about energy prices, industrial competitiveness and domestic supply.

Again, this does not establish that Polanski personally controls government decisions.

It does demonstrate why Green Party pressure can matter politically even without holding ministerial office.

Defence spending creates another dilemma

The same political tension has appeared in the debate over defence spending.

Britain faces pressure to increase defence expenditure because of the deteriorating international security environment.

At the same time, Labour has historically placed substantial emphasis on public services and social security.

The analysis highlights a recent statement by Burnham during Prime Minister’s Questions that “national security can’t come at the expense of social security”.

That remark illustrates the difficult balance facing the government.

Higher defence spending can require additional taxation, borrowing or reductions in other areas of public expenditure.

For a government seeking support from progressive voters, the allocation of public money becomes especially sensitive.

The Greens can argue for stronger protection of public services and environmental investment, while Labour must also respond to national-security demands.

Is Burnham actually being driven by Polanski?

That is the central question.

There is a substantial difference between saying that a rival political party influences the environment in which government decisions are made and saying that the rival is effectively controlling the government.

The first is a normal feature of democratic politics.

The second requires considerably stronger evidence.

The claim that Burnham is “terrified” of Polanski is an interpretation made by the article behind the headline. There is no public evidence establishing that the prime minister is personally frightened of the Green leader.

What can be observed is that Labour faces competition from several directions.

The Conservatives remain an opposition force. Reform UK continues to campaign on immigration and other issues. The Greens are attempting to expand their support among voters on the left.

Burnham therefore has to manage a fragmented political environment rather than simply confront one opponent.

Burnham’s extraordinary political comeback

The background makes the situation even more significant.

Burnham spent years as mayor of Greater Manchester before returning to national politics. According to the government’s official biography, he served as mayor from 2017 and was re-elected in 2021 and 2024. He returned to Parliament as MP for Makerfield in June 2026 and became Labour leader on 16 July. Four days later, he became prime minister.

His rise therefore happened with extraordinary speed.

That leaves him with a major political challenge: translating the popularity and regional record associated with his Manchester career into a national governing programme.

The pressure from the Greens is only one part of that challenge.

A battle for the progressive vote

At the heart of the dispute is the future of Britain’s progressive electorate.

Labour has historically attempted to unite working-class voters, socially liberal voters, trade union supporters and middle-class professionals under one political umbrella.

The Greens increasingly seek support from voters who regard Labour as insufficiently ambitious on climate change, public services and social policy.

If the Greens expand their electoral base, Labour could face pressure to respond.

That does not necessarily mean adopting Green policies wholesale. It could instead involve emphasizing Labour’s own programme more clearly or attempting to demonstrate that the government can deliver on progressive priorities while also governing from the centre.

The same principle applies to Reform UK, which puts pressure on Labour from another direction.

The prime minister therefore faces a political triangle rather than a single opponent.

The bigger question for Britain

The headline claim that Zack Polanski is “really running the UK” is deliberately provocative.

Britain’s constitutional system gives the prime minister and government ministers formal responsibility for national policy. Burnham remains the person officially responsible for the government’s decisions.

But political influence is more complicated than formal authority.

A party does not need to hold office to affect the calculations of its rivals. Polling, by-elections, campaigning and voter movements can all influence the priorities of established parties.

That is why the Green Party’s rise matters to Labour even if the Greens hold no government department.

The upcoming Holborn and St Pancras contest could provide another indication of how effectively the Greens can challenge Labour among progressive voters.

For Burnham, the task is to govern while maintaining a broad enough coalition of support to withstand pressure from both sides.

What comes next?

The coming months will reveal whether the Green challenge develops into a sustained political force or remains primarily a source of pressure on Labour.

Polanski’s strategy is clear: build the Greens into a stronger national alternative and attract voters who believe Labour has moved away from progressive politics.

Burnham’s challenge is equally clear: demonstrate that Labour can govern on issues ranging from energy and defence to public services and foreign policy while maintaining support across a diverse electorate.

Whether individual government decisions are directly influenced by the Greens will remain a matter of political interpretation unless clear evidence emerges.

What is not in dispute is that the British political landscape has become more competitive.

Burnham may have reached Downing Street, but becoming prime minister does not eliminate political pressure. It increases it.

And as the Greens attempt to turn dissatisfaction on Labour’s left into electoral support, Zack Polanski has become one of the figures Burnham and his government must take seriously.

The question is not whether Polanski is literally running Britain. He is not.

The more significant question is whether the Green Party can become strong enough to change the calculations of the government that is running it.